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NYPL RESEARCH LIBRARIES 



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MEN WHO HAVE MADE THE NEW 
GERMAN EMPIRE. 



MEN WHO HAVE MADE THE NEW 



GERMAN EMPIRE. 



A SERIES OF 



BRIEF BIOGRAPHIC SKETCHES, 



P,Y 



G. L. M. STRAUSS. 



rx TWO VOLUMES 



VOLUME I. 









,0 

v 

--.< 

TINSLEY BROTHERS, 8, CATHERINE STREET, STRAND, 

1875. 








r ' YORK 

: LIBRARY 



A* -ENOX AND 

TILD^N FOUNDATIONS 

R 1927 L 



LONDON : 

H. CLAY, SONS, AND TAYLOK, PRINTERS, 
BREAD STRKET HILL. 



























CON T E N T S. 



i. 

WILLIAM I. .... 1 

THE LATE QUEEN DOWAGER OF PRUSSIA 33 



II. 

FIELD-MARSHAL GENERAL VON PtOON 42 



III. 

FIELD-MARSHAL GENERAL MOLTKE . . 54 

THE " V^E VICTIS ! " OF DONCHERY 72 



IV. 

* 

PRINCE BISMARCK 88 

THE EOMISH EPISCOPATE AND THE OLD CATHOLIC 

MOVEMENT 258 



' 
> 



EEEATA TO VOL. I. 



Page 15, line 5 from the top, for "statesman," read "statesmen." 

17, 1 ,, ' for "Bronnzell," read "Bronzell." 

23, ,, 6 ,, ,, for "definitely," read "definitively." 

24, ,, 5 ,, bottom, for " memoirs," read " memoir." 

33, ,, 3 top, for "(Joseph of Bavaria)" read "(Joseph) of 

Bavaria." 

43, 12 ,, bottom, for "Alt-dabum," read "Alt-Damm." 

58, ,, 1 ,, ,, after "after," insert ", in 1859,". 

59, ,, 7 ,, ,, for " Steihle," read " Stiehle." 

60, ,, 10 ,, for " that," read " this." 

61, ,, 6 for " von/' read "of." 
78, ,, 10 top, for "heart," read "' hearts.'' 

82, 12 bottom, after "face," add "to "; for "finding," read 

"find." 

95, ,, 3 ,, ,, for "manors," read "manor." 

130, ,, 12 ,, top, for "question," read " questions." 

131, ,, 8 ,, bottom, for "similar," read "German." 
136, ,, 5 ,, ,, after "gran ted," dele ", ". 

140, ,, 6 ,, top, after "day," dele "of the new session." 

142, ,, 12 for "She," read "Austria." 

155, ,, 14 bottom, for "Mioks," read "Macks." 

159, 9 top, after " who," insert "had." 

' 5 ,, bottom, after " Falckenstein," dele "Voigts-Rhetz." 

163, ,, 13 top, for " Kendell," read " Keudell." 

180, ,, - 9 bottom, for "knights," read "kings." 

201, ,, 13 ,, ,, for "Fulde," read "Fulda." 

210, ,, 13 top, after "than," insert "was witnessed." 

214, '6 for "give," read "gave." 

215, ,-, 7 bottom, for " essential,'' read " executed." 

243, ,, 11 ,, top, and in other places, for "Kamecke," read 

(l Kameke." 

249, ,, 14 bottom, for "as," read "more;" after "plastic," dele 



J 
J 
> J 



" as ever." 



252, ,, 9 ,, ,, after "Cologne," dele "who" is already in prison.'' 

263, ,, 12 top, after "occurs," dele "in this protest." 

26<>, ,, 8 ,, bottom, after ' Mucich," dele ", " . 

282, dele lines io and 9 from the bottom. 

293 4 ,, top, after "speakers," insert ",". 

813, 8 for "truly," lead "very." 

318, 10 for "by," read "to." 

,, ,, 11 ,, for "bidding," read "bid." 

325, ,, 4 ,, bottom, for "the," rtad "its." 

2 ,, ,, for "anti-actional," read "anti-national. ' 

1 ,, for "their, "read "the." 

334, ,, 11 ,, top,/or " man," read "men." 



MEN WHO HAVE MADE THE 
NEW GERMAN EMPIRE, 



I. 

WILLIAM I. 

HISTORY tells us of some kings of men, leaders of 
nations, and founders of empires, who themselves 
in great part achieved their own greatness. 

Such were, for instance, Cyrus of Persia, Philip 
and Alexander of Macedon, Csesar, Charlemagne, our 
own Alfred, Henry I. of Germany, the founder of 
cities ; Gustavus Adolphus, the saviour of the Pro- 
testant faith ; Oliver Cromwell, the true founder of 
England's power and glory ; Czar Peter, the wonder- 
ful Colossus, who with his giant stride spanned the 
wide chasm between barbarism and civilization, knead- 
ing and moulding hordes of wretched serfs into mate- 
rial fit to form a future nation ; the great Branden- 
burg Elector and the unique king, who between 
them laid the foundation of the new German empire 
of our own days ; and George Washington. 

VOL. i. B 



Men who It ft re HKH/C tin 



Also of some who had tlie greatness of others thrust 
upon them, and shone chiefly with the reflected lustre 
of their brilliant surroundings. Such were, for in- 
stance, Octavianus Augustus, the second Justinian 
Alp Arslan and Malek Shah, the two Seldschuk 
Sultans, who owed their reputed greatness chiefly t< 
their famous vizier, Nezam el Mulk ; Henri Quatrc 
our own Queen Bess, Louis XIV,, and, in our own 
days, Victor Emmanuel of Italy, and William I. of 
Prussia and Germany. 

Still, to be thought worthy to figure even in this 
second category requires a certain innate greatness, 
an elevation of mind that will not grudge to afford 
free play to the actual workers of illustrious deeds. 
For history tells us also of some rulers upon whom 
even the greatest men bestowed upon them by kind 
Fortune have been more or less thrown away. 

Poor Frederick William III. of Prussia, the father 
of King William, was a most striking and pointed 
example of this kind. Stein's vast genius weighed 
so oppressively upon the singularly small mind of 
that " military-tailor king," as the first Napoleon 
contemptuously called him, that he would rather 
continue to grovel in his own congenial dust than 
be dragged up to the most exalted height of great- 
ness and glory by the stern Iron Baron. 

And the late brother and predecessor of King 
William, brilliant, feeble-minded Frederick William 
IV., could never bear in his cabinet men above the 



New German Empire. 3 

intellectual standard of an Eichhorn, or a Manteuffel, 
or, at the most, a Kadowitz. 

It is one of the most convincing proofs of Kino- 
William's immense superiority over both his father 
and his brother, that he has been able to get alono- so 
? ar with Bismarck and Moltke, and the other great 
neri who have made his reign one of the most illus- 
trious in the annals of the world's history. 

King William I. of Prussia, the first emperor of 
the new German empire, was born on the 22nd 
March, 1797. His father was the then Crown Prince, 
afterwards King Frederick William III. of Prussia ; 
his mother, the beautiful, good, and accomplished 
Princess Louise (Augusta Wilhelmina Amalia) of 
Mecklenburg-Strelitz. 

He was the second son of his parents. He Avas 
born at a period when the glorious creation of the 
second Frederick was fast disappearing in the worse 
than unskilful hands of Frederick William II., the 
great king's very little nephew and successor, to 
whose name in this world's historic records plain- 
spoken Clio has irreverently affixed the unflattering 
cognomen of le ventru, as we choose to express it 
here from due regard for delicate ears. 

This corpulent ruler of Prussia, whose immorality 
in every way was on an exact par with his intellectual 
incapacity, had shortly before out-Heroded the dis- 
graceful peace of Bale of the 5th April, 1795, by the 
infamous convention of the 5th August, 1796, which 

B 2 



j\fen who have made the 



vilely trafficked away to France the left bank of the 
Khine, in exchange for some fancied, ill-understood 
aggrandizement of Prussia in Germany. 

A few months after the birth of the young prince, 
this cowardly and selfish policy of the second state 
in Germany bore its disastrous fruit in the bitter 
humiliation of the then first state in Germany 
Austria, which had to subscribe the harsh conditions 
of the peace of Campo-Formio (the 27th October, 
1797). 

A few brief weeks after, on the 16th November, 
1797, death removed Frederick William II. from the 
political stage. His son, the infant prince's father, 
succeeded him on the throne of Prussia, 

The new king, Frederick William III., then in his 
twenty-eighth year, was much' more moral in his 
private capacity as a man than his late father and 
predecessor had been, but he. was equally base and 
incapable as a king. 

Of this sad fact he gave convincing proof when, a 
few months after his accession to supreme rule in 
Prussia, he turned a deaf ear to Count Cobenzl's 
warmest and most urgent appeal to abandon the 
cowardly and cruel policy of his predecessor, which 
had already done so much harm, to poor Germany, 
and was now threatening to hand that unhappy 
country over, bound hand and foot, to the tender 
mercies of France. The disgraceful peace of Luneville, 
of the 9th February, 1801, to which Austria, coolly 



New German Empire. 



abandoned to her fate by Prussia and Northern Ger- 
many, had to submit, was the crowning point of this 
equally dastardly and blind policy of the Berlin 
cabinet. 

But had not Frederick William III. his reward ? 
Did not the "Deputation of the German Empire," 
by resolution of the 28th February, 1803, sanction the 
transfer to Prussia of some 5,000 English square 
miles of land, with 600,000 head of human cattle 
upon it, in exchange for about 1,000 English square 
miles and some 125,000 souls, ceded to France on the 
left bank of the German Ehine ? Oh, these were 
brave times for Prussia and her young monarch ! 
Was there not a large increase of territory and souls ? 
Was not Prussia becoming very rapidly a " powerful ' 
state, and her ruler a " great' king? And did 
not a promising opportunity offer soon after to 
make Prussia still more powerful, and her king still 
greater ? 

In the summer of 1803, the French stole Hanover 
from the King of England, and the noble-minded 
Frederick William III. looked on inactive, and rejected 
the overtures made to him by Russia for an Austro- 
Russo-Prussian alliance to chastise the insolence of 
the French, because, forsooth, Napoleon had opened 
to the dazzled sight of the Prussian envoy, Lom- 
bard, the seductively-enchanting vista of the pos- 
sible incorporation of Hanover with the Prussian 
States. 



M< ii n'lto !,,'(> n ,<i<lc tit, 



The same immoral bait licld Frederick William 
luck in 1805 from tlm>\vin< f his sw<nl into the then 

o 

much oscillating scale between France arid Austria 
and Ihissia, and made him actually sanction the 
disgraceful convention concluded with the French 
emperor by his wretched envoy, Haugwitz, on the 
15 tli December, 1805, which handed over to France 
the Lordship of Neufchatel, the Principality of Ans- 
bach, and the Duchy of Cleves, with the important 
fortress of Wesel all in exchange for Hanover, stolen 
from the King of England by the French, and handed 
over by the thieves to the receiver. 

However, the measure was now full to overflowing. 
The year 1806 came, and brought with it the great 
Prussian cataclysm. 

Prince William was nine years old when this 
crushing misfortune befell his family and his country. 
All this time his mother, good Queen Louise, whom 
history represents as having struggled in vain against 
the criminal folly of her husband and his vile advisers, 
had bestowed the most tender and assiduous care upon 
the education of her children a care which had borne 
rich fruit, so that the stricken lady might well find 
her truest consolation in the promising bevy of chil- 
dren growing up around her. A few brief years 
after, on 19th July, 1810, death removed this most 
exemplary wife and mother from the midst of her 
sorrowing family. Prince William, her second son, 
had then entered upon his fourteenth year. 



New German Empire. 



Happily it was not all dross in King Frederick 
William III. There was a sound substratum in 
the man, with some sterling qualities, which shone 
forth with a steady light after the overwhelming 
military and political calamity that had fallen 
upon him and upon his kiDgdom, and this latest 
heavy domestic bereavement had purified his moral 
nature. 

The school of misfortune is a hard but good school 
to pass through, and Prince William has shown in 
after-life that he really profited by the bitter lessons 
learnt in that school. 

As a son of the House of Hohenzollern, Prince 
William entered the Prussian army at an early 
age. That army was then in the course of re- 
organization upon Scharnhorst and Gneisenau's plan, 
which was admirably adapted to the requirements 
of the time. 

The young prince, who was from boyhood of a 
serious turn of mind, embraced his new career with 
ardour, and devoted all his talents and energy to the 
study of the military service in all its branches. He 
attended his father through the first campaigns of the 
Liberation war. 

After the final overthrow of Napoleon on the field 
of Waterloo and the conclusion of peace, young 
Prince William pursued his military studies again 
with the same ardour as before. His advancement in 
the army was rapid, owing as much at least to his 



8 M''n ii'ho lutuc ma <l 



real merit as to his princely rank. He pursued the 
even tenor of his way as a sober-minded, studious 
young officer, affording people very little occasion 
indeed for talk or comment 

In 1829, he married, on llth June, Princess Marie 
Louise Augusta Catherine, one of the daughters of 
Grand Duke Charles Frederick of Saxe- Weimar, his 
younger brother, Prince Charles, having two years 
before married the other sister, Princess Maria of 
Saxe- Weimar, whose son is the famous Red Prince 
(Frederick Charles). 

There are two children of this marriage of the 

o 

present Emperor-King and the Empress-Queen Au- 
gusta, to wit, the Imperial and Royal Crown Prince 
Frederick William, born 18th October, 1831, who is 
married to the Princess Royal of England ; and 
Princess Louise Marie Elizabeth, born 3rd December, 
1838, who married, 20th September, 1856, Grand 
Duke Frederick William Louis of Baden. 

In 1840, after the death of King Frederick 
William III. (7th June), Prince William became 
Prince of Prussia and presumptive heir to the 
crown, as his elder brother, the new King Frede- 
rick William IV., had no issue. He was also 
raised to the rank of general of infantry, arid 
appointed governor-general of Pomerania. 

It was at this time that his strongly -pro- 
nounced military predilections gained him the 
unenviable reputation of harbouring absolutist 



New German Empire. 



tendencies. His brother, the new king, full of 
his mediaeval kingship notions, and guided by his 
Bavarian and Romanist wife, Elizabeth, in the 
narrowest path of anti-liberal retrogression and 
repression in religion and in politics, still would 
not disdain to court a little spurious popularity 
at his honest, straightforward brother William's 
expense. So the court and the camarilla were 
exhorted to encourage the popular delusion of 
poor Prince William's absolutist tendencies, and 
many were the dark charges and insinuations 
whispered against the " people's great enemy," the 
king's brother, who would not permit the excel- 
lent monarch to pursue a more liberal path. 

Strong in the consciousness of the perfect in- 
tegrity of his conduct throughout, the prince 
would not condescend to defend himself against 
these lying calumnies. 

So when, on the 18th March, 1848, the king had 
treated his beloved Berliners to a few discharges 
of grapeshot, and had failed in overcoming the 
citizens' victorious outbreak against his Christian 
kingdomship, and had been compelled to humbly 
salute, hat in hand, the victims of the street 
fight, it was but natural that he and his entou- 
rage should bethink them of the excellent chance 
offering to turn Prince William to account as a 
scapegoat. 

Accordingly these worthy people suddenly got 



10 Men trho / ft i re n/(/c flu 



anxious about the prince's personal safety, and 
they urged him, therefore, to leave the country 
for a time and seek a refuge in London. It is 
probable that the prince in his heart despised the 
wretched intrigue and the vile concoctors of it, but 
he gave way to his brother's wishes, and left for 
England, to the intensest joy of the hoodwinked 
Berlin mob. The new Camphausen ministry, how- 
ever, who were a little better informed upon the 
subject, soon recalled the exile to the Prussian 
capital. He returned to Berlin in June. 

Some time after he was elected a member of 
the new National Assembly of Prussia. He took 
his seat, but he took no part in the debates. 

In the autumn of 1848, the new system which 
the March revolution of the same year had in- 
augurated in Prussia was completely overthrown 
again, and the reaction set in with full force. 

o 

Queen Elizabeth and her ultramontane and feudalist 
supporters were again in fullest ascendency. The 
king had put his hat on again, but he could not 
forget how he had been compelled to take it off, 
coram populo, and he could not forgive those 
who had made him do it. The " Christian king- 
dom ' was now being established with a vengeance, 
and it was a wonder that Frederick William IV. 
would even graciously condescend to grant his 
" beloved people ' a Brummagem charter. 

The Prince of Prussia held aloof from the re- 



Neiv German Empire. 11 

actionary manoeuvres and doings of these sad days. 
This, however, did not prevent bitter revilings of 
him among the people, in which many joined who 
were well enough acquainted with the true facts 
of the case to know the utter falsity of the im- 
putations cast upon his character. 

In the summer of 1849 he was appointed to the 
command of the army sent to put down the revo- 
lution in the south-west of Germany (Baden, the 
Palatinate, &c.) On his way there an unsuccessful 
attempt was made to assassinate him (12th June) 
at Meder Ingelheim. 

The revolutionists, who disposed of a by no 
means contemptible army, with a very fine artil- 
lery force, were commanded by the Pole Mieros- 
lawski, who had for adjutant-general Francis Sigel, 
a young Badish officer of great promise, who 
actually managed to engage the Prussians opposed 
to him successfully at Wiesenthal, and might have 
succeeded in inflicting a serious defeat upon them, 
had he but been properly supported by his chief. 

Unhappily for the revolution, Mieroslawski not 
alone failed to support his lieutenant in proper 
time, but he managed to incur himself a crushing 
defeat at Waghausel, after which he handed the 
command of the beaten army over to Sigel, who 
succeeded in effecting a skilful retreat behind the 
Murg, and subsequently led his forces in safety 
to Switzerland. 



1 -2 J/< /' "//<> //<>/'' ,,,</< flic 



General Si--vl wns afterwards one of tin- most 

~ 

Buccessful unionist leaders in the American soccssion 
war. He defeated the Confederates at Carthage, at 
IY:i Rid"e. Tlmmii'difare Gap. Centreville, and other 

O O -I- ' 

places; also in the first day's fight of the secern 1 
battle tf r.ull Run; tlic second day General Pope 
rnimiiaiidrd, and the Federals suffered a grievous 
defeat. 

After Waghausel, the pacification of the revolted 
districts in the south-west of Germany proceeded 
rapidly, the entire campaign being ended in a few 
weeks. 

The honest, upright conduct of Prince William, 
and the patent integrity of purpose which charac- 
terized all his proceedings in the accomplishment 
of the difficult task that had been intrusted to his 
hands, gained him golden opinions from all who 
happened to come in contact with him, and laid 
the first foundation for the change which soon after 

O 

began to take place in the popular view and esti- 
mation of his true character. 

Tn October, 1849, Prince William was appointed to 
the most important office of military Governor of 
Ehineland- Westphalia, in which capacity he took up 
his regular residence at Coblenz. 

O 

One of the gloomiest and most dismal periods in 
the history of Prussia and Germany was now draw- 
ing near. The revolution of 1848 had developed in 
all patriotic Germans an ardent longing for the 



New German Empire. 13 

political unity of the great Fatherland. The Frank- 
fort parliament was, indeed, specially elected ad hoc. 
The sensible majority of the unionists felt convinced 
also that the unity of Germany could only be 
accomplished under the leadership of Protestant 
Prussia. Austria was, in fact, in the opinion of 
most German patriots altogether out of the race in 
this question. 

So it had come to pass that the Frankfort parlia- 
ment had on the 28th of March, 1849, resolved by 
290 votes against 248 abstainers to place the here- 
ditary imperial crown of Germany on the brow of 
the Prussian king. 

Now, among Frederick William's mediaeval and 
romantic notions there figured a spurious sentimental 
veneration for the imperial Hapsburgs, the foolish 
man going even to such an extent in his voluntary 
self-abasement pretence, that he publicly avowed it 
to be the highest aim of his ambition to be permitted 
in his capacity of arch-chancellor of the empire, to 
tender the basin to the Austro-German emperor's 
sacred majesty. 

It was not likely, then, that such a man would con- 
sent to accept the imperial crown of Germany " over 
the Austrian emperor's head." Bunsen, who fully 
knew how the king felt in this respect, did not even 
venture to urge the acceptance of the proffered 
imperial crown upon the king ; in his letter on the 
subject he simply pointed out to his majesty how the 



14 M<>n irho hare made flic 

acceptance of the crown would be the end of the 
beginning, whereas the rejection of it would prove 
the beginning of the end. 

On the 3rd of April, 1849, Frederick William IV., 
whilst still protesting his ardent desire for the unity 
of Germany, informed the Frankfort deputation that 
he could not accept the proffered crown. 

Some six weeks after, the Berlin cabinet, always 
rushing wildly after half-measures, had managed to 
hatch another notable scheme of effecting the unity 
of Germany. This was the great " union scheme," 
based upon the " alliance of the three kings ' (Prussia, 
Saxony, and Hanover), of 26th May, 1849. 

This alliance had for its object to effect a closer 
voluntary union of the several German states under 
the presidency of Prussia. Beust had signed for 
Saxony, Bennigsen for Hanover. 

Both these great diplomatists took excellent care to 
inform the court of Munich at once, that the refusal 
of Bavaria to join w r ould be held by them to free 
Saxony and Hanover from the engagement just entered 
into by them with Prussia. 

The London cabinet having thought fit to protest 
against the alliance of the three kings, as tending to 

O O O 

compromise certain eventual rights and claims of the 
English crown (!), Count Bennigsen cynically informed 
her Britannic Majesty's minister for foreign affairs that 
Hanover never had any honest and sincere intention 
in the matter, and that the king, his master, had 



New German Empire. 15 

acceded to the alliance simply with a view to 
reawaken his subjects' old hatred of Prussia, which 
had lately gone to sleep somehow. Beust gave 
similar explanations, and both these great and honest 
statesman acted up most fully to these open avowals 
of gross treachery on their part. 

So the projected union and the Erfurt parliament in 
connection with it came of course to naught, although 
it dragged its miserable existence on till the 15th of 
November, 1850, when the affair finally came to a 
formal end, in obedience to the Austrian premier 
Schwarzenberg's arrogant dictation. 

For Austria, thanks to Eadetzky, had triumphed 
in Italy ; and, thanks to the incapacity of some of 
the Hungarian leaders and the treachery of others, 
she had with the aid of Eussia stamped out the 
great insurrection of Hungary. So Austria was 
a great power once more, and this power was 
wielded by the vigorous hands of Prince Felix 
Schwarzenberg, who had sworn to humble Prussia 
to the dust first, and then to destroy her. II faut 
avilir la Prusse d'abord, et apres la demolir, 
were the ipsissima verba of this man, who did 
everything in his power to give due effect to 
them, and found, unhappily, eager allies in the 
South German States, and in England, France, 
and Eussia. 

There were two questions pending then which 
afforded fair openings for the projected attacks 



16 Men. wlio h.ve madr 



upon Prussia, to wit, the Hessian question and tin- 
Schleswig-Holstein question . 

In the electorate of Hesse the gross misrule of 
the elector and his contemptible minister Hassen- 
pflug had driven one of the most patient and 
submissive peoples into a very mild passive resist- 
ance rising an insurrection in morning gown and 
slippers, as it was felicitously defined at the time. 
Prussia took some interest in this affair as it 
happened, for a wonder on the side of the poor 
" rebels." . 

The Schleswig - Holstein question is too well- 
known to, and too much dreaded by, English readers 
to invite more special and detailed reference to it here. 

Suffice it to say, that in both these questions, 
Prussia was most clearly in the right ; Austria, with 
her South-German and other allies and abettors, 
was absolutely in the wrong. But right or wrong 
signified not in the matter. Might alone is right on 
the great political board of the world ; and Prussia, 
though she bore latent within her twice the sap and 
vigour of Austria, and might have defied even a 
coalition against her had a Frederick the Great been 
her ruler then, was now feeble and helpless through 
the lamentable vacillation of her king, the pro- 
Austrian leanings of her queen, and the gross in- 
capacity of her pseudo-statesmen. 

It would lead us too far here to treat at length of 
the sad events which culminated finally in the ridi- 



New German Empire. 17 

cule of Bronnzell, the humiliation of Warsaw, and the 
capitulation of Olmutz. Suffice it to say that Man- 
teuffel signed at Olmutz, on 29th November, 1850, a 
capitluation by virtue of which Prussia consented to 
leave the Hessians and the Schleswig-Holsteiners to 
their fate, and to renounce every right to invite any 
other German state to the formation of even a volun- 
tary union with herself. 

The Prince of Prussia felt these sad events most 
acutely ; they inflicted cruel stabs upon his patriotic 
heart. But he saw clearly that he could do nothing 
at the time to interfere with the course of events. 

Moreover, he was even then already convinced in 
his own mind that the military system of Prussia, 
originally established by Scharnhorst and Gneisenau, 
had outlived its own vital principle, and absolutely 
required a thorough reform. The mobilisations of 
1832 and 1849 had shown him the glaring defects of 
the entire system, and the last mobilisation, ordered 
on 6th November, 1850, only twenty-three days 
before the disgrace of Olmutz, had revealed to his 
acute military understanding the cumbrous structure 
and the heavy working of the machinery. 

So he might well feel apprehensive to tempt the 
fortune of war with such battered and disjointed 
harness on his back. He accordingly resolved to 
treasure up his feelings for some more favourable 
opportunity in the future, 

The weakness and vacillation shown by Frederick 

VOL. i. c 



18 Men who have made the 

William in this formidable crisis had demonstrated to 
most clear-sighted men in the land the absolute 

o 

necessity of a military ruler on the military throne 
of Prussia. Even Varnha^en von Ense, who cer- 

o 

tainly could not be accused of military predilections, 
had arrived at this conclusion. 

So the eyes of all true patriots in the land began 
to turn with hope to the heir presumptive. The 
king even recognized the necessity now of consulting 
his brother upon all important political questions. 
He raised him to still higher dignities in the state. 
In 1854 Prince William was made governor of 
the confederate fortress of Mayence. The new title 
and charge of colonel-general of infantry, with 
field-marshal's rank, was expressly created for him. 
The high function of Grand Master of all Prussian 
Lodges of Freemasons was also delegated to him. 

As the sterling, honest character of Prince William 
revealed itself more and more to the Prussian people, 
it became more and more clear to even the meanest 
understanding how sadly the man had been mis- 
judged, and that he was a foe to all extreme parties, 
and certainly no friend to the Feudalists and 
Clericals, who were then having it all their own way 
at Court and in the Cabinet, and that he had at heart 
only the true welfare and greatness of the land and 
the nation. 

The result was, that the Prince of Prussia, once 
almost the most hated and abused man in the land, 



New German Empire. 19 

soon gained great genuine popularity with almost all 
classes. 

Then came the illness of the king, which ter- 
minated in softening of the brain, necessitating in the 
end a transfer of the powers of government to the 
hands of the Prince of Prussia. The influence of 
Queen Elizabeth succeeded at first in restricting the 
power confided to the prince within very narrow 
limits. The first delegation was given by the king 
on October 23rd, 1857, for three months only. It 
was subsequently renewed from time to time, until at 
length the queen and her party could no longer resist 
the imperious necessity of a formal regency, which 
had to be finally intrusted to Prince William's hands 
on October 9th, 1858. 

So soon as the Prince of Prussia had taken the 
government of the country into his hands, even 
with the restrictions imposed at first upon his au- 
thority by his brother, the Clerical and Feudalist 
reaction and opposition against all liberty and pro- 
gress, which had been in full swing under the foster- 
ing care of Queen Elizabeth, received at once a 
wholesome check. 

In 1858 the regent formed a Ministry of so-called 
Old liberals, under the leadership of Prince Charles 
Anton of Hohenzollern Sigmaringen and Baron 
Rudolph von Auerswald. 

The year 1859 offered the Prince Eegent of Prussia 
a fine opportunity of taking revenge for Olmutz, by 

c 2 



20 Men who have made the 

saving Austria from the dire fate impending over her 
after her grievous defeat in the Italian campaign. 
The prince had decided upon this generous course of 
action; but, unhappily for Austria, Francis Joseph 
would rather elect to submit to the humiliation 
of Villafranca than concede the command of the 
auxiliary forces of the German Confederation to 
the Prince of Prussia. 

The experience of the mobilisation of the Prussian 
army on this occasion again revealed the irremediable 
defects of the old system, and proved to the mind 
of the regent the absolute necessity of that reform 
of the entire system which one of the best and 
most highly-accomplished general officers in the 
Prussian army, General Roon, had shortly before 
proposed. 

On the 2nd January, 1SG1, King Frederick 
William IV. died, and the Prince Regent succeeded 
him on the throne of Prussia as William I. 

The hopes of the Liberals and Unionists through- 
out Germany rose high. But the solemn coronation 
of the new king, and of his consort, Queen Augusta, 
at Konigsberg, 18th October, 1861, and the attend- 
ant circumstances, with the open declarations 
made and the speeches uttered by William on the 
occasion, showed but too clearly and unmistakably 
that the man might be expected to cling with 
desperate tenacity to the antiquated stiff kingship by 
the grace-of-God notions in which he had grown grey. 



Neiv German Empire. 21 

The Prussian Progressists believed, then, that they 
had not much to hope from him for the cause of 
Liberal progress in Prussia ; and the German Union- 
ists, finding that the Prussian monarch made no 
immediate sign of an intended change in the policy 
hitherto pursued in German affairs by the Berlin 
court, grew at once desponding. Nay, even several 
months before the coronation, one Oscar Becker, who 
made an attempt on the life of King William, at 
Baden-Baden, 14th July, 1861, pleaded his intense 
German patriotism in excuse for his criminal attempt, 
averring that King William of Prussia had abundantly 
shown he was not the man to effect the unification 
of Germany ; and there were many honest German 
Liberals and Unionists who sympathized with the 
would-be regicide, if not in his crime, at least in his 
conviction of King William's unwillingness or unfit- 
ness to undertake the great work they had so much 
at heart. 

These impatient people could not understand the 
man who had thus disappointed their over- eager 
expectations. He had the great work as warmly at 
heart as they ; but whilst they were simply striving 
after the end, and endeavouring to anticipate it, he, 
in his cooler sense and more practical wisdom, was 
devising the means and using all his best energies to 
provide them in due time. And among these means 
the creation of an effective military force occupied the 
front rank. 



22 Men who have made the 

The army reorganization, then, was the object 
nearest and clearest to his heart. Already, on 5th 
December, 1859, he had appointed General Roon 
Minister of War, who brought to bear upon the 
difficult task intrusted to him all the energy of his 
mind and all the resources of his brilliant intellect. 
Yet in spite of this the projected reform of the 
military system of Prussia made only slow progress, 
comparatively, owing to the hostility of the Chamber 
and the feebleness of the Hohenzollern-Auerswald 
Ministry. 

The election of 1861 considerably increased the 
number of advanced Liberals or Progressists in the 
Prussian House of Eepresentatives ; in fact, it took 
the lead of the House out of the hands of the Old 
Liberals, and deprived the very honest, indeed, but 
not very efficient Hohenzollern-Auersw T ald admini- 
stration in a great measure of its raison d'etre. The 
Old Liberals had not shone very brilliantly either in 
the management of the foreign affairs of the land. 
So the king resolved in the spring of 1862 to thank 
his ministers for their services and to relieve them 
from the burthen of office. 

He appointed a semi-demi Liberal- Conservative 
Cabinet in their stead, under the lead of Prince 
Adolphus of Hohenlohe-Ingelfingen and the Elberfeld 
plutocrat Von der Heydt ; and when he found that 
this new besom was not likely to sweep the obstacles 
out of the path of his pet army-reorganization plan, 



New German Empire. 23 

he resolved to avail himself of the known force 
of will and energy of action of his late ambassador 
to Paris, Baron Otto von Bismarck - Schonhausen, 
whom he appointed accordingly Minister-President 
with the portfolio of Foreign Affairs provisionally 
on the 23rd September, definitely on the 8th Oc- 
tober, 1862. 

Of the late administration, Eoon, Miihler, and 
Lippe alone were retained ; Bodelschwingh was made 
Minister of Finance, 1st October, 1862 ; Itzen- 
plitz, Minister of Commerce, 9th October, 1862; 
Eulenburg, Minister of the Home Department ; and 
Selchow, Minister of Agriculture, 9th December, 
1862. 

It would lead us too far here to attempt to trace 
minutely the progress of the reorganization of the 
army, and the great parliamentary struggle be- 
tween the Ministry and the House of Kepresen- 
tatives. Moreover, these matters will be discussed 
in the memoirs of Eoon and Bismarck in their 
proper place, as we believe since, although the 
king was the ostensible chief these two great men 
were the actual doers and achievers of the great 
work. 

The popularity of King William, seriously com- 
promised already by the events more or less imme- 
diately following his accession to the crown, suffered 
nearly total shipwreck in these fierce parliamentary 
struggles, the more so as the Clericals and Feudalists 



24 Men who have made the 

chose to gather round the throne, proclaiming them- 
selves, with loud clamour, the only true and honest 
supporters of that ancient divine institution. 

In August 18G3, poor Francis Joseph of Austria 
and his advisers devised a notable scheme to re- 
suscitate the old Hapsburg German Empire. The 
Austrian emperor invited the German princes to 
meet him at the old Imperial city of Frankfort-on- 
t he-Main, to discuss with him anent the true interests 
of the great German Fatherland. 

They came, with the exception of the only one 
whose presence could be of the slightest practical use 
-King William of Prussia. As he w T as not there, 
the rest had to go home as they had come ; and so 
had the Emperor Francis Joseph also a sadder if 
not a wiser man. 

Soon after Bismarck succeeded in forming a 

o 

seeming temporary alliance between Austria and 
Prussia against the Danish occupation of Sehleswig- 
Holstein. The event and its results and consequences 
are universally so well known that we need not further 
expatiate upon them here. The same remark applies 
to the great struggle of Prussia against Austria and 
Germany in 1866. Moreover, the political ma- 
noeuvres will be found recorded in the memoirs of 
Bismarck, and the military operations, &c., in the 
memoirs of Moltke, the Crown Prince, the Eed 
Prince, Vogel von Falcken stein, the present King of 
Saxony, &c. 



New German Empire. 25 

It may simply be stated here that King William 
nobly did his duty as the military chief and leader of 
his people. 

In the earlier stage of the great battle of Chlum 
and Sadowa (called afterwards the battle of Konig- 
gratz), the king, then stationed on Problus Hill, had 
an aide-de-camp killed by his side. 

On the 20th September, 1866, on the occasion of 
the triumphal entry of the victorious Prussian army 
into Berlin, King William gave an involuntary proof 
of the sensibility of his heart, which deeply affected 
all beholders. 

The king had taken up his stand by the great 
statuary group of King Frederick II. to witness the 
marching by of the army. His face was beaming at 
the time with intensest content and happiness, when 
he espied Prince Charles Anton of Hohenzollern 
coming up, who had lost his son Anton in the fierce 
fight of Sadowa. Instantly the usually cold -looking 
steel-grey eyes of the king softened marvellously, a 
shade of deep sorrowing regret fell on his face, and 
hot tears might be seen coursing down his furrowed 
cheeks, whilst he pressed the hand of the bereaved 
father in silence. 

The events of 1866 and the large strides forward 
in the unification of Germany replaced King William 
on his ancient popularity pedestal, although the newly- 
annexed province of Hanover and the whilom free 
city of Frankfort long persisted in bearing the king a 



:26 ]\ leu who have made tin' 

bitter grudge, up to the final unification of Germany 

iu 1870-1. 

lu 1867 King William, in company with his 
nephew, the Emperor Alexander of Kussia, paid a 
visit to the Emperor Louis Napoleon on the occasion 
of the ijreat International Exhibition of Paris. 

o 

There was a wonderful display of cordiality on both 
sides, but both sides were quite aware that it was 
only a hollow show, as the Luxembourg question, 
which was raised in the spring, and renewed in the 
fall of the year, abundantly proved. 

The smouldering fire was covered up at the time, 
but only to break out all the more fiercely a few 
years after. That it did not actually burst forth into 
flame in 1867 was due simply to Count Andrassy 
and Francis Deak. 

It is no longer a secret now that Louis Napoleon 
on the occasion of his interview with Francis Joseph 
at Salzburg, 18-2 1st August, 1867, placed before the 
Austrian emperor and Chancellor Beust a thoroughly 
French project of an anti-Prussian Franco- Austrian 
offensive and defensive alliance. 

In this notable document it was laid down as a 
chief condition of a continued friendly understanding 
of the two contracting powers with Prussia, that the 
latter Power was to renounce then and for ever all 
alliances with any of the South German States, who 
were to be invited to form a South German Con- 
federation under the presidency of the Emperor of 



New German Empire. 



Austria, and under the joint protection of Austria and 
France. 

Prussia was to be summoned to evacuate Mayence, 
and to permit the Grand Duke of Hesse to join the 
South German Confederation with the whole of his 
dominions, the portion situate on the northern bank 
of the Main included. Austria and the South German 
Confederation were to form a Customs' Union of 
their own, with full liberty to make commercial 
treaties with France on the one side, and North 
Germany on the other. 

In the event of Prussia declining to accede to these 
sweet terms, France and Austria were jointly to 
declare war against Prussia. After the defeat of 
Prussia in the field, which was taken as a matter of 
course by the high contracting parties, Prussia would 
be summoned to hand over to victorious Austria the 
southern part of Silesia ; to victorious France, Sarre- 
louis and Sarrebourg, and the great coal -basin of 
Saarbrticken. 

A plebiscite, taken in the newly-annexed Prussian 
provinces under the superintendence of Austria and 
France, would then determine the question of the 
restoration of the dispossessed princes : Prussia was to 
be summoned also to come to an arrangement with 
Denmark within three months. 

Should any of the South German States be foolish 
enough to decline joining the proposed South German 
Confederation, an Austro- French invasion would soon 



28 Mt'ii //'//" /litre nuide tl,> 

bring that recalcitrant slate to reason ; and the victors 
would afterwards deal with the "conquered territory" 
as they should mutually agivr. 

There t is very little historic doubt but that this 
pretty scheme was actually proposed by Louis 
Napoleon to Francis Joseph at Salzburg in August 
1867, and that the Austrian emperor and Chancellor 
Beust had made up their minds to accept it. 

But Count Andrassy, who had got wind of the 
affair, went to Salzburg for the express purpose of 
nipping the plot in the bud. He saw Louis Napoleon, 
and told him that Hungary would never consent to 
join in a war against Prussia ; and that even if the 
French emperor held in his hands a treaty of 
alliance with Austria, signed by Francis Joseph, 
and countersigned by Chancellor Beust, the firm op- 
position of Hungary would make such a treaty a 
mere piece of waste paper. So the great scheme came 
to naught. 

In 1869 King William visited the newly-annexed 
parts of his realm. He was everywhere cordially 
received. The same cordial reception he met with 
at Lubeck, Hamburg, and Bremen, and more espe- 
cially at Wilhelmshafen. 

A show of friendly relations at least was also 
re-established with Austria, the Crown Prince of 
Prussia and the Archduke Charles Louis interchang- 
ing reciprocal visits to Vienna and to Berlin. 

On the 8th December, 1869, the Emperor Alex- 



New German Empire. 29 

ander of Russia, King William's nephew, on the 
occasion of the Centenary Jubilee of the Russian 
Military Order of St. George, bestowed the highest 
class of that order upon King William, who in re- 
turn made his nephew a Knight of the Order pour 
le Merite. 

It was looked upon at the time as a significant 
circumstance that both monarchs in their letters 
patent mutually recalled to memory the great, glorious, 
and ever-memorable epoch when their united armies 
had striven hand in hand for a common sacred cause 
-to wit, the overthrow of the French Empire under 
the first Napoleon. 

In July 1870, began the great Hispano-Hohen- 
zollern imbroglio, which was made by France the 
pretext of war with Prussia, 

The incidents and episodes of that memorable war 
will be found recorded in the memoirs of the military 
commanders. Suffice it here to note simply that King 
William was proclaimed Emperor of Germany at 
Versailles, 18th January, 1871, and that the pre- 
liminaries of peace were signed on the 26th February, 
1871. 

In his notification of this most gratifying fact to 
his nephew, the Emperor Alexander of Russia, the 
Emperor William expressed his deep gratitude to the 
Russian monarch for his friendly conduct to Prussia 
throughout the war, adding that Prussia would never 
forget that it was owing to that noble conduct alone 



30 Men who have made the 

that tin 1 war had not assumed the most gigantic 
dimensions. 

On the 11 tli August, 1871, the Emperor William 
met his imperial brother Francis Joseph at Ischl. 
Another friendly meeting took place between the two 
emperors, attended by Bismarck and Beust, at Salz- 
burg and Gastein, where the foundation was laid of a 

O ' 

more frank and cordial understanding between Austria 
and Germany. 

The Crown Prince Humbert of Italy and his wife, 
Princess Margaret, came to Berlin on the 28th May, 
1872, to be witnesses at the baptism of the youngest 
daughter of the Imperial Royal Crown Prince and the 
Princess Royal of England. 

On the 5th September of the same year the Em- 
perors Alexander of Russia and Francis Joseph of 
Austria came to Berlin on a visit to the Emperor 
William. 

These imperial meetings, and others that have 
taken place since, more particularly the late visit of 
King Victor Emmanuel to Vienna and Berlin, had 
avowedly for their object the insurance of the peace 
of Europe ; also the concerting of mutual measures 
of protection against Ultramontane aggression and 
intrigues. 

These matters, however, as well as the giant 
struggle now waging in Prussia and Germany be- 
tween the government and the Ultramontane and 

o 

episcopal conspiracy against the authority of the State, 



New German Empire. 31 

will be found noticed at length in the proper place- 
in the memoir of Bismarck. 

In the last days of the past year (1873) the Emperor 
William was taken seriously ill, when the tender and 
anxious solicitude of the whole people, from one end 
of Germany to the other, showed how deep-rooted and 
wide-spread is the love and reverence for the noble 
old monarch. 

Quite recently, when the unexpected Army Bill 
imbroglio had raised high the hopes of the Feudalists 
and Clericals, and seemed to threaten Prussia and 
Germany with the advent of a Manteuffel regime, the 
emperor once more gave proof of his moderation and 
good sense, by consenting, upon the advice of his great 
minister, to a compromise an immense concession 
on his part, considering that in all military matters 
he is generally as hard and unbending as steel. 

The cruelly disappointed feudal and black crew, in 
their fierce rage at being thus foiled in their vile 
reactionary plot, insulted both king and chancellor, 
by proclaiming openly and aloud, that the latter had 
forced his master's hand by a threat of instant re- 
signation should His Majesty decline to grant the 
concession demanded. The story was of course a 
base lie, like most of the productions coming from 
that mint. 

King William has now reached the seventy-eighth 
year of life, a venerable age, rarely if ever yet before 
attained by any of his predecessors. He has been 



32 J/c/? H'lio have made the 

painfully affected of late years by successive family 
bereavements. He has lost a dear brother and a 
beloved sister ; a cousin for whom he entertained 
the warmest affection ; the Princess Augusta of 
Liegnitz, his father's second wife and widow, whom 
he esteemed most highly ; and, in December last, 
the Dowager-Queen Elizabeth, his brother's widow, 
who also occupied a high place in his affectionate 
regard. 

o 

As this lady had exercised, to within a few years 
before her death, a most powerful influence upon the 
political and religious affairs of Germany, a brief 
memoir of her life may not be deemed altogether out 
of place here, as a corollary to the memoir of the 
Emperor William, which may serve to place certain 
sections of it in a clearer light. 



New German Empire. 33 



THE LATE QUEEN DOWAGER OF PRUSSIA, 

AMONG the rather numerous progeny of King Maxi- 
milian I. (Joseph of Bavaria), figured two pairs of 
twin sisters, to wit, Elizabeth and Amalia, born 
13th November 1801, and Sophia and Maria, born 
27th January 1805. Their mother was King Maxi- 
milian Joseph's second wife, Caroline, daughter of 
Charles Lewis, hereditary Prince of Baden. 

Princess Amalia was married to the late King John 
of Saxony, Princess Maria to the late King Frederick 
Augustus of Saxony, Princess Sophia to Archduke 
Francis Charles of Austria, and Princess Elizabeth to 
the late King Frederick William IV. of Prussia, who 
left her a widow January 2, 1861. 

The Archduchess Sophia died May 28, 1872, The 
Queen Dowager Elizabeth of Prussia died Sunday 
midnight, December 14, 1873, at Dresden, where she 
was staying on a visit to her twin sister Amalia, 
recently bereft of her husband, the late King John of 

Saxony. 

Princess Elizabeth of Bavaria was married by 

procuration at Munich, November 16th, 1823, and 
VOL. i, r> 



34 Men who hacc made the 

in person at Berlin on the 29th November, to 
Frederick William, then Crown Prince, afterwards 
King of Prussia. 

She had been brought up a most devout, nay, it 
is not going too far to say a bigoted Romanist ; and 
though in 1830, when she had been married some 

o 

seven years, certain considerations, and chiefly the 
wish to please her father-in-law, old King Frederick 
William III., who was a pious Protestant, induced 
her to embrace ostensibly the Evangelical Confession 
of Faith, she yet remained at heart to the last hour 
of her life an uncompromising Romanist. 

Again, although she was the wife of a Prussian 
prince, and during a period of tw T enty-one years 
Queen Consort of Prussia, it may truly be averred 
that she never took frankly and sincerely to the 
country of her adoption, but that she felt and acted 
throughout her public career as a Bavarian princess, 
always preferring, wherever the choice was left open, 
the petty fancied interests of the House of her origin 
to even the plainest, most vital, and most urgent re- 
quirements of Prussia and Germany. 

Unhappily, perhaps 'even for herself, but certainly 
most unhappily for poor Prussia- -her husband was a 
man of weak mind, albeit of bright intellect ; and, 
whilst deeply imbued with strange mediaeval notions 
of " Christian kingdomship ; and of the absolute 
supremacy of the grace-of-God monarchic principle, 
he was of a most uxorious disposition. 



New German Empire. 35 

His inferior in brightness of intellect, his wife was 
immeasurably his superior in strength of mind 
and will ; and it is not too much to say, that 
during the twenty-one years of his nominal reign 
over Prussia, he was simply the puppet, whilst she 
pulled the wires. In very truth she held almost 
absolute sway over his mind and over his resolutions, 
and all the most strenuous and sustained efforts of 
men like Humboldt, Bun sen, Tellkampf, and many 
others to counteract this most pernicious influence 
were of little avail. 

The worst of the matter was, that the strong- 
minded woman who thus ruled her husband was 
herself only a half-seeing and most pliant instru- 
ment in the hands of the crafty leaders of the great 
Jesuit and Ultramontane reactionist party bent upon 
depriving the Prussian people of even the small 
measure of civil, political, and religious liberty that 
had been grudgingly granted by narrow-minded 
Frederick William III., in paltry part acknowledg- 
ment of the blood and treasures so nobly and freely 
shed and spent by the nation in the great liberation 
war of 1813-15. 

In 1807, when the Prussian monarchy had been 
laid low in the dust, the great Stein, the chief of 
the regenerators of the fallen State, in his famous 
" Memoir on the Proper Organization of the Supreme 
State Departments, and the Provincial, Financial, 
and Police Departments in the Prussian Monarchy," 

D 2 



3(j Men icli o Ji<'r made the 



laid it down as an axiomat i<- principle, that "Church 
and School stand in no natural connection with each 
other, and that the Ecclesiastic Department should 
only lie permitted to co-operate in a subordinate 
apaeity with the Department of Public Instruction 
in the religious teaching in schools." 

o o 

The total separation of Church and School 
demanded by Stein was of course too much for poor 
Frederick William III. ; still the new Ministry of 
Public Worship, Public Instruction, and Medicinal 
Affairs, which was formed in 1817, was in a great 
measure organized upon Stein's notions, and the first 
Minister of Public Worship, &c., Baron Altensteiu, 
who held the office for twenty-three years, till his 
death in 1840, kept the scholastic department as 
independent of clerical influences as circumstances 
would allow, and up to the time of his death the 
management of the school system in Prussia was 
highly commendable. 

It was at this juncture, unhappily, that Frederick 
William IV. succeeded his father on the Prussian 
throne, and that the pernicious influence of his 
wife became all powerful. 

Elizabeth found a fitting instrument to work her 
mischievous will in the notorious Eichhorn, whom 
she made Minister of Public Worship, &c., and who 
speedily subjected the schools under his control to 
the deadening influence of the vilest priestcraft, 
Eomish and Pietistic. 



New German Empire. 



This wretched man, who held the office of Minister 
of Public Worship, &c., up to the days of March, 
1848, when the great Berlin rising kicked him out 
at last, wrought incalculable harm to the cause of 
education in Prussia. The traces of his misdeeds 
have not yet been completely obliterated even to 
the present day. Now, he was a man after the 
queen's own heart, and he was also of sufficiently 
small intellect to please the king, who could not 
brook superior men about him- -at least, not in any 
really influential official capacity. 

It was between Eichhorn, the queen, and the 
Jesuits, aided and abetted by the Pietist and Mucker 
party, that all the reactionary measures were con- 
cocted that marked the period from 1840 to 1848. 
Under the dire influence of this sad conspiracy 
against liberty and progress, concession after con- 
cession to the Eoman Church and Hierarchy was 
wrung from the feeble king, until at last a separate 
Catholic section was created in the Ministry of Public 
Worship and Public Instruction. 

To the late Queen Elizabeth, and to her fatal 
ascendency over her husband's feeble mind, is to 
be attributed, chiefly at least, the monstrous growth 
of Eomish presumption in Prussia, and the almost 
incredible arrogance of Komish bishops and priests, 
which it now taxes all the power of will and all 
the energy of action of even a Bismarck to contend 
against, and which may yet force the State to have 



38 Men tcl/o hare made the 

recourse in the end to repressive measures of a nature 
but ill reconcilable with the great principle of reli- 
gious freedom. 

o 

Had it not been for the baneful work of this 
Romanist and Romanizing lady, acting under tin- 
inspiration and guidance of the craftiest and astute- 
est enemies to liberty and progress let loose upon the 
world by Rome, the present age would certainly not 
have to wrestle with the Melchers, the Krementzes, 
the Ledochowskis, the Martins, the Forsters, and so 
many more of the same stamp who are setting the 
State boldly at defiance now, openly avowing the 
most monstrous doctrine, that they owe obedience 
to the Pope alone. 

In very truth, all liberal-minded men who are 
striving after and struggling for the ultimate eman- 
cipation of the human race from the trammels of 
priestcraft must feel a glow of satisfaction at the 
thought that this strong champion of the enslave- 
ment of man, the late Queen Dowager of Prussia, 
has had to witness with her dying eyes the struggle 
fairly engaged at last, and with the final chances 
dead against her own priestly pets. But what com- 
pensation is there in this for the sufferings so ruth- 
lessly inflicted upon a whole generation of a generous 
and enlightened people ? 

Just as Queen Elizabeth of Prussia made the 
interests of the Church of Rome her chief guiding 
rule and principle in the internal administration of 



New German Empire. 39 

the kingdom which had the misfortune of being 
ruled over by her uxorious spouse, so was she swayed 
in the foreign relations and affairs of the State by 
the pettiest and narrowest Bavarian particularism. 

Even the humiliation which Prussia had to endure 
at Olmtitz in 1850, and which it took all the Austrian 
blood spilt in the seven days' campaign of 1866 to 
wash away, was mainly her work. 

When poor Frederick William IV. had actually 
managed to screw his courage up to the point of 
instructing Count Groben, the appointed commander 
of the Prussian forces in Hesse, to act in a manner 
to do honour to the name and fame of Prussia, this 
Bavarian princess, justly dreading what might be the 
fate in store for the Bavarian forces in Hesse that 
would find themselves opposed to her husband's 
army, prevailed upon the weak man to recall the 
general before his final departure from Berlin, and 
to make the distracted commander personally respon- 
sible before God and man for every drop of blood 
that should be spilled in this " fratricidal " war ! 

The result was, as a matter of course, the brilliant 
"battle 7 of Bronzell, where the only casualty was 
the premature death from a bullet of a white or 
grey equine animal whether a horse or a donkey 
history would appear to be slightly doubtful. In 
the eternal fitness of things it ought to have been 
a mule. 

Even after the death of her uxorious spouse, Eliza- 



40 Men who have mode the 

beth of Bavaria continued to weigh heavily upon poor 
Prussia. King William also, though a man of vastly 
superior mind to his unhappy brother, submitted in 
but too many things to the baneful guidance and 
counsel of his brother's widow. In 1866, more 
notoriously, it was the one day's fatal delay granted 
at her instigation to the Saxons and Hanoverians 
which added 40,000 excellent troops to the forces of 
Benedek, and led to the bloodshed of Langensalze. 

In his present giant struggle against Ultramon- 
tanism, Bismarck has had to contend more than once 
against the crafty, occult machinations of this pupil 
and tool of the Jesuits. 

Taking the late Queen Dowager of Prussia in her 
private capacity as a woman, not a breath hath ever 
dimmed the clear mirror of her fair fame. She w r as 
a most excellent daughter and sister, and, her Eoman- 
ist tendencies and Bavarian predilections apart, a very 
good wife, who actually loved and admired her feeble 
husband for his many amiable qualities of heart and 
mind. Alexander von Humboldt, who struggled in 
vain against the ascendency she exercised over her 
husband, always paid her the tribute of his sincerest 
respect, and maintained that she was a thoroughly 
well-meaning, though mistaken, woman. 

Perhaps, had children blessed her union with 
Frederick William, her career and his might have 
been different. It was also certainly her misfortune 
much more than her fault that she had to do with 



New German Entire. 41 

so weak-minded and soft-hearted a man as was 
Frederick William IV. 

Of that poor king's soft-heartedness and delicate 
tenderness of feeling, the writer of this brief obituary 
memoir of the late Queen Dowager Elizabeth is in 
a position to adduce an instance from his own ex- 
perience. It is now some twenty years ago that he 
happened to witness the performance of the Orphan 
of Lowood (Jane Eyre) at the Eoyal Theatre, Berlin. 
Their majesties were present on the occasion. The 
king might be seen leaning against one of the 
pillars of the royal box, with his pocket-handkerchief 
in active operation mopping up the tears coursing 
down his cheeks in copious abundance, excited by 
the moving nature of the drama. Her majesty's 
handkerchief was lying perfectly idle meanwhile in 
her lap, whilst the strong-minded lady was casting 
looks of wondering pity upon her affected lord and 
master. 

Had the case been the reverse, it might have 
made the difference of some twenty or thirty years' 
advance of the Prussian people in the path of pro- 
gress and political, civil, and religious liberty. 



42 Men -who hare made the 



II. 

FIELD-MARSHAL VON ROON. 

IT is a moot question whether the famous saying 
attributed to Bismarck, that he would cement the 
unity of Germany with blood and iron, was ever 
actually uttered by the great minister, or whether 
it may not be simply referable to a certain passage 
in one of his diplomatic communications to Baron 
von Schleinitz, the then Prussian Foreign Secretary, 
in which the then Ambassador of Prussia to the 
Court of St. Petersburg gave it as his deliberate 
opinion, that the political connection and relations 
of the Prussian monarchy with the German Con- 
federation could only be looked upon as a grievous 
growing malady of the State, which, if not taken 
in hand in proper season, would have to be eradicated 
in the end, ferro et igni. 

But no matter which of the two versions is the 
correct one, thus much is certain- -that the operation 
indicated either way by the future Chancellor of the 
German Empire, whether intending to act as State 



New German Empire. 43 

constructor or as State surgeon, could not possibly 
be performed by him without the proper instrument 
made to his hand. 

This instrument was a well-organized army, fit to 
cope with fair chances of success at least singly with 
either of the three great military powers surround- 
ing Prussia. Such an army Prussia did not possess 
then ; but at the very time Bismarck was penning 
the above communication to Schleinitz (May, 1859), 
the man of rare organizatory genius was already 
hard at work in laying the foundations for its crea- 
tion. This man was Baron von Koon, who had just 
then attained the grade of Lieutenant- General in 
the Prussian army. 

Albrecht Theodore Emile von Koon was born on 
the 30th April, 1803, at Pleushagen, near Colberg, 
an old estate of the Koon family. In early infancy 
he was sent to Alt-dabum, near Stettin, where he 
received his first education in one of those excellent 
elementary schools which abound nearly everywhere 
in Prussia. 

Here also he was introduced first to the chances 
and dangers of war. It was in 1813, when he was 
just about ten, that a Swedish bombshell burst at 
his feet, one of the splinters inflicting a slight wound 
upon him. It is narrated that the little boy was so 
entirely absorbed in watching, with the keenest 
interest, the course of the projectile, its bursting, 
and the shattering of the fragments, that it was 



44 Me it ivho hdvc made the 

some time before lie realized the fact of one of the 
splinters having hit him. 

Having finished his preparatory course of educa- 
tion at one of the Stettin grammar schools, young 
Koon was, at the age of sixteen, sent to the Cadet 
School at Culm, which he left two years after for 
the Cadet Corps at Berlin. Both at Culm and 
Berlin his studious habits and his rare facility 
of apprehension and comprehension attracted the 
attention of his teachers and of the military autho- 
rities. 

Soon after his transfer to Berlin, on the 9th of 
January, 1821, he obtained his first commission, 
being appointed sub-lieutenant in the 14th Eegiment 
of infantry, then in garrison at Stargard. There he 
remained three years, learning the routine of military 
service, and continuing his studies. 

His high qualifications having again attracted the 
attention of the military authorities, he was detached 
in 1824 to the General War School, that splendid 
educational establishment for officers which has 
supplied so many eminent men to the Prussian 
military service. Here he turned his time and 
opportunities to such excellent account, that he was 
appointed in 1827, at the early age of twenty-four, 
Instructor in the Berlin Cadet Corps, in which he had 
himself been a cadet only six years before. 

His great master, the famous geographer Bitter, 
was at that time director of studies there. This 



New German Empire. 45 

learned man was so struck with the extensive know- 
ledge of geography possessed by the young lieutenant, 
that he urged him to write a " Guide ; to the study 
of that science for the use of the cadets. The book 
was a great success. It was subsequently published, 
considerably enlarged, in three volumes, in 1832, 
under the title of " Outlines of Geography, Ethno- 
graphy, and Statistics/ 3 Close upon a hundred 
thousand copies of this book, and of a smaller 
extract from it, have since been sold in Germany. 
In 1832, Lieutenant Roon was ordered to join his 
regiment, then in garrison at Minden. Shortly after 
he was called to the head-quarters of General Muffling, 
commander of the Prussian corps of observation 
stationed at the time on the Belgo-Dutch frontier, to 

O ' 

watch the siege of Antwerp by the French. After 
the fall of the citadel, the lieutenant returned to 
his regimental duties. 

In 1833 he was appointed on the staff of the 
Topographic Bureau, where he distinguished himself 
greatly by numerous surveys and other scientific 
labours. 

Two years after he was appointed on the general 
staff of the Prussian army, being named at the same 
time lecturer on geography and tactics at the General 
War School. 

In 1836 he obtained his captaincy, retaining his 
position on the staff, and being appointed also a 
member of the military Board of Examination. 



40 Men who hare made the 



In 1837 he published another valuable work a 
military description of the countries of Europe. A 
monograph on the " Iberian Peninsula from the 
Military Standpoint," followed in 1839. 

In 1841, when on a tour of military inspection, 
he was taken seriously ill. For several days his 
case was considered hopeless, and he recovered only 
slowly. It would certainly be a subject for curious 
speculation to consider how many of the great events 
that have mainly contributed to the establishment 
of the new German Empire might not have happened 
at all, or might have resulted very differently, had 
this master-mind succumbed to this critical illness. 
He recovered, however, and the year after he was 
promoted to the rank of major, and appointed on 
the staff of the 7th Corps of the Prussian army. 

In 1843 he returned to Berlin to resume his 
lectures. 

Here Prince Charles of Prussia had more than 
once occasion to admire his singularly clear and 
lucid exposition. The prince's son, Frederick Charles, 
was then in his sixteenth year, and it was intended 
to send him to the University of Bonn. The bril- 
liant major was named instructor in geography and 
tactics to the young prince, whom he attended to 
Bonn as military attache, and subsequently on a 
series of voyages through Switzerland, Italy, France, 
and Belgium. 

A warm friendship sprang up between Mentor 



New German Empire. 47 

and Telemachus, which continues undiminished up 
to the present day. After the prince's return from 
his tour, Major Koon resumed his practical duties as 
a high staff officer. 

o 

In May 1848. he was made chief of the staff of 

/ ' 

the 8th Corps, stationed in Enineland. These were 
troublesome times, when the reflex action of the 
French February revolution was deeply agitating 
Rhineland- Westphalia. The position of the new chief 
of the staff was most difficult and delicate ; but he 
showed himself fully up to the mark. 

Equal good fortune attended him the year after 
in the Baden campaign, when he acted as General 
Hirschf eld's chief of the staff. His services were 
rewarded by a lieutenant-colonelcy. In 1850 he 
was made commander of the 33rd Eegiment of 
Infantry. Six years later he was promoted to the 
grade of major-general, and to the command of the 
20th Infantry Brigade. In 1858 he obtained the 
command of the 14th Division. 

From the commencement of his military career, 
Koon had made the organization of the army in its 
several branches his special study. He had reflected 
deeply upon the causes that had led to the lament- 
able downfall of the military system bequeathed by 
the Great Frederick to his successors, and equally 
upon the causes that had made Scharnhorst and 
Gneisenau's new organization a success in the War 
of Liberation. 



48 Men who hair nt<le the 



He had arrived at the conclusion that that success 
was attributable mainly to the burning patriotism and 
the deep hatred of the foreign foe that had pervaded 
the great citizen host through the campaign of 1813- 
15 ; and that the system as such, however admir- 
ably it had answered at the time of its creation, had 
survived itself, and had grown more and more defective 
in the course of years. Since Eoon had entered 
the service, there had been three several occasions to 
order the mobilization of the Prussian army in 
1832, 1849, and 1850; and on each of these occa- 
sions he had detected graver and graver defects in 
the system. 

He knew that the Prince Regent (the present 
Emperor of Germany) shared these views, and had 
more than once expressed his resolution to remedy 
these defects. There is even some reason to believe 
that the prince had actually invited him to elaborate 
a plan for the reorganization of the army. 

Be this as it may, General Roon drew up an ex- 
haustive memoir on the subject, with special reference 
to the infantry branch of the service, and submitted 
it to the regent, who found it so thoroughly con- 
sonant with his own views, and was so much struck 
with the clearness of the general's exposition and the 
soundness of his practical conclusions, that he adopted 
the whole plan en bloc, and invited General Roon 
to come to Berlin to discuss the question in detail 
with General Bonin, the Minister of War. 



New German Empire. 49 

Meanwhile the Franco-Italian war of 1859 had 
necessitated another mobilization of the Prussian 
army, on which occasion the old defects of the system 
had appeared still more glaring. When Eoon came 
to Berlin he found the new organization plan ready 
cut and dried, based entirely and in every respect, 
even to the minutest details, upon his own memoir. 
No wonder, then, that he should express his fullest 
concurrence with the views of the minister. 

But a plan on paper, however admirable in con- 
ception, may turn out of very little use indeed where 
tardiness is shown, or want of energy in carrying out 
its provisions. 

Now, this particular plan of military reorganization 
had provoked the most determined hostility of the 
majority of the Second Chamber ; and the Ministry 
Hohenzollern-Auerswald- -hardly dared to submit 
it to the hostile Commons. 

Roon, who had set his heart upon it, on the other 
hand, and who was determined to carry it against 
all and every opposition, went to Baden-Baden, where 
the Prince Eegent was staying at the time, and con- 
ferred earnestly and warmly with his Eoyal Highness 
upon the subject, equally dear to both of them. 
On his return to Berlin, he joined energetically in 
the discussions of the commission named by the 
Prince Eegent to draw up the bill 011 the subject. 
As General Bonin showed some backwardness in 
comin forward in the matter, the Prince Eegent 



VOL. I. 



50 J/r '/ irho I" i', made /! 



upon him to resign his place as Minister 
of AYar, ami appointed Lieutenant- General Boon 
his successor (5th December, 1859 : the grade of 
lieutenant-general had been conferred upon Roon in 
May of the same year). 

This high position the general retained under the 
successive administrations of Hohenzollern-Auerswald, 
Hohenlolie-Heydt, and Bismarck, and up to the end 
of the year 1872, when the still higher, but to him 
most uncongenial and unsuited, place of Prime 
Minister was thrust upon him. 

The new Minister of War set at once to work 
with all the ardour of his temperament, all the 
energy of his character, and all the unyielding firm- 
ness of his mind. 

He knew full well how arduous, how well-nigh 
impossible, was the task he had set himself to 
accomplish. It was not a simple reconstruction, it 
was a new creation which he had to call into life, 
and the materials he had to work with were alarm- 
ingly slender and most insufficient. He had to fight 
against the openly-proclaimed hostility of the great 
majority of the representatives of the Prussian people, 
and he had to fight the battle almost single-handed, 

o o 

as his colleagues in the two successive administrations 
of Hohenzollern-Auerswald and Hohenlohe-Heydt 
were but faint-hearted in the cause, and gave him 
only a lukewarm support. 

But, steadfast and unswerving, he pursued his 



New German Empire. 51 

purpose, and worked out his great plan even to its 
minutest details. He lavished upon his darling pro- 
ject all the resources of his brilliant intellect and of 
his profound organizatory genius. Nothing ever dis- 
couraged him ; he quietly disregarded all hostile 
votes, and undismayed he tranquilly pursued the 
path he had traced out for himself. 

Meanwhile King Frederick William IV. 's death 
had placed the crown on the Prince Regent's brow 
(2nd January, 1861), and the new king had more 
openly and uncompromisingly than before pro- 
claimed his firmest resolve to stand by the Minister 
of War and the reorganization of the army, which 
he emphatically declared to be the great idea and 
purpose of his reign. 

At the end of the summer, 1862, Otto von Bis- 
marck- Schonhausen returned from France, where he 
had been ambassador since spring. 

That great statesman saw that the time had 
come for more energetic action in forcing on the 
forging of the instrument indispensable to the exe- 
cution of his own gigantic plans and projects, and 
the realization of his most towering aspirations. So 
it was speedily settled between himself, the king, 
and Roon to send the latter's weak and vacillating 
colleagues adrift and form a new, strong, and ener- 
getic government, resolved to let nothing stand in 
their way. 

With the exception of Roon, Lippe, and Muhler, 

E 2 



52 Men !'<J/<> Jiitt'r h)(t<> the 



the Ministry resigned, and Bismarck was named 
Premier of the new Cabinet, provisionally on tin- 
23rd September, definitively on the 9th October, 
1862. 

All vacillation and hesitation was now at an end. 
The reorganization of the army progressed rapidly, 
all the hostile votes of the majority of the Second 
Chamber not withstandin o\ 

o 

Strange to say, the name of the man whose labours 
were destined to contribute so materially in changing 
the political state of Europe was even then barely 
known beyond the confines of Prussia. It may 
almost be said that the first time the people of 
England ever heard the name of Boon was in 
connection with the famous hat episode in the con- 
stitutional history of Prussia. 

It was only in 1866, when the brilliant success 
of his patient labours was made so brightly apparent 
by the overwhelming results of the " Seven days' 
campaign," that his name and fame may be said to 
have burst for the first time upon the surprised 
attention of Europe. 

How the same exquisitely-tempered weapon, with 
which Bismarck and King William had wrested 
supremacy in Germany from the strong and tena- 
cious grasp of Austria, served some four years after 
to wrest supremacy in Europe from the proud grasp 
of France, is still too recent and lives too vividly 
in the recollection of all to need aught here but 



New German Empire. 53 

this passing allusion ; nor need we dwell upon the 
brilliant rewards which the great army organizer 
and war administrator has received at the hands of 
his grateful king and country. But we may mention 
that the reward most grateful to his stubborn heart 
was, in his own words, that his stanchest and 
most stubborn opponents in the fierce seven years' 
Parliamentary war fully admitted, after Sadowa, the 
justness of his views throughout, and the integrity 
of his purpose. 

We may pass over also with indulgent silence 
the attempt almost forced upon him, moreover to 
travel beyond his legitimate province in taking the 
place of the giant Bismarck as Prime Minister of 
the kingdom. Our purpose here has simply been 
to show the man in connection with his stupendous 
work, and as one of the architects of the new 
German empire. 

Broken in health, and sadly afflicted by the loss 
of some nearest and dearest to him, Field-Marshal 
Count von Koon has now retired from the political 
stage. Epaminondas, when struck to death at 
Mantinea, hearing some one near him lament that 
the great man should die without leaving issue, 
could, with his last breath, point with conscious 
pride, to his two immortal daughters- -Leuctra and 
Mantinea. With equal pride Roon may justly trust 
to the German army, his own creation, to perpetuate 
his memory for evermore. 



^^^^^^M 







:> i Ifcu who harr made tl 



III. 

FIELD-MARSHAL GENERAL MOLTKE. 

THE instrument, then, was made to the aspiring states- 
man's hand. The army created by Roon might be 
compared, if a somewhat imperfect and perhaps not 
altogether appropriate simile may be allowed to pass 
muster here, to a splendid set of chessmen, solidly 
wrought, from king to pawn, without flaw or blemish, 
out of the hardest, toughest, and most enduring 
material. 

But something besides was required- -to wit, the 
genius to breathe the true spirit of life and strife into 
the set, and to prove its excellence against any other set 
on the world's great chequer. 

Bismarck's perilous game had to be played simul- 
taneously on two distinct boards or fields the diplo- 
matic and the battle field; and the moves on either 
must necessarily be co-ordinate and mutually de- 
pendent, 

" N.on omnes omnia' is a saying equally trite as 
true. History records but a few doubtful instances of 



New German Empire. 55 



the requisite qualities of the consummate politician 
being united in one and the same man with those of the 
all-conquering war-chief. Eosni was a great minister, 
but he made only a very indifferent general in the 
field ; and the great Armand Duplessis would certainly 
have saved France a vast expenditure of blood and 
treasure had he been less eager to emu" te the fame of 
the destroyer of strong cities, Demetrius, the captor 
of Salamis and the besieger of Rhodus, and had 
he confided the siege of La Eochelle to professional 
hands. 

Bismarck is not a general, though he now holds high 
nominal rank in the Prussian army. He is perfectly 
aware of his deficiencies in that line ; and even if his 
own strong common-sense were not proof against the 
temptation to which Richelieu yielded, the Prussian 
state and military system would never permit com- 
mand in the field being; intrusted to the Chief of the 

o 

Cabinet. 

A consummate general was indispensable, then, 
to lead the army in the field- -a general who, to 
cope successfully with the immense task before him, 
would have to display the rarest combination of 
the highest strategic genius with the highest tactical 

O O <-> O 

ability. 

The powers on high, propitious to Prussia and Ger- 
many, had ordained it so that when the hour came the 
man should reveal himself. 

Helmuth Charles Bernard von Moltke was born on 



Mr it ivho /<"/>' ,>i<l<' tin' 



the 2Gth of October, 1800, at Parchim, in the Grand 
Duchy of Mecklenburg-Schwerin. 

. dD 

From his boyhood he showed uncommon powers of 
thought and ivflcrtioji, and a marvellous capacity for 
acquiring knowledge. 

At an early age lie entered the Danish army, but 
he soon felt that this could never afford him sufficient 
scope for the realization of his own high aspirations. 
So at the age of twenty-two he exchanged the Danish 
for the Prussian service, where his extensive and 
solid acquirements, his singularly simple and modest 
character, and his affectionate disposition, soon gained 
him the love of his comrades, and the regard and 
esteem of his superiors. 

He ardently and assiduously pursued his military 
and other studies, more particularly geography, 
strategy, tactics, and fortification, in which he soon 
attained such high proficiency that he was jocularly 
nicknamed the " Compendium of military science." 

The same ardour and assiduity he brought to bear 
upon his linguistic studies, which have through life 
remained a favourite pursuit with him- -rather a 
curious feature in a man so infinitely more given to 
thought than to talk as Moltke is ; a man whom the 
late Burgomaster Syclow, of Berlin, characterized so 
felicitously as " eloquently silent in seven languages." 
Although not a philologist perhaps in the strictest 
sense of the term, Moltke may at present justly claim 
to rank with the most distinguished linguists of 



New German Empire. 57 

Europe. He is a thorough proficient in the languages 
which he professes to know, not a mere cultivator of 
linguistic smattering. 

The learned young officer attracted the attention of 
the high military authorities, so that he was appointed 
on the general staff of the Prussian army at the com- 
paratively early age of thirty-two. 

Three years after, when Sultan Mahmud asked the 
Prussian Government to lend him a few officers to aid 
in the reorganization of the Turkish army, Moltke 
was one of the Prussian staff officers detached on this 
"special service. Moltke made a most favourable im- 
pression upon the Sultan, who, not without consider- 
able difficulty, obtained permission for him to stay in 
Turkey. 

The young Prussian staff officer accompanied the 
Sultan on a tour of inspection to Bulgaria, where -he 
visited the fortifications of Rustschuk, Silistria, Varna, 
and Schumla, ordering everywhere improvements and 
additions to be made in the same, which some nine- 
teen years after gave the Russians occasion to com- 
plain bitterly, in the words of General Ltiders, that 
" somebody had passed through these places who 
knew what he was about/' 

The Dardanelles, too, had the benefit of Moltke's 
careful inspection and practical suggestions. 

He subsequently proceeded to Asia Minor, where 
he remained for two years with the Turkish army, 
witnessing the campaigns against the Curds and 



~>s Mm ir/to IK i re made 



against the Egyptians. The death of Sultan :\l;dmmd 
(July, 1839) having rule-used AMtkc from his Turkish 
engagement, he returned to Berlin, where he was im- 
mediately re-appointed on the staff. 

His "Letters on the Condition of Turkey, and on the 
Events and Occurrences in that Country in the years 
1835-1 839," published in Berlin in 1841, form one of 
the most valuable contributions to our knowledge of 
Turkey. His and some other Prussian officers' itine- 
raries through Natolia have most materially altered our 
maps of Asia Minor. His map of Constantinople and 
the Bosphorus (on the scale of 25,000-1) is a marvel" 
of clearness and correctness. In 1842 he was raised 

* 

to the rank of major. 

In 1846 he was made adjutant of Prince Henry of 
Prussia, who was then residing in Rome. 

After the death of the prince, in the following 
year the major returned to his duties on the staff. 
An excellent map of the environs of Rome was one 
of the fruits of his stay in the Eternal City. 

In 1848 he was appointed chief of division in the 
great general staff of the army. The year after he 
became head of the staff of the 4th Corps, which 
position he retained till the end of 1855. 

Having from 1856 to 1858 acted as adjutant of 
Prince Frederick William of Prussia, now Prince Im- 
perial of Germany, General Moltke attained the highest 
position on the staff of the Prussian army, and a year 
after he was raised to the rank of lieutenant-general. 



New German Empire. 59 

In 1859 Moltke had occasion to draw up his first 
plan of campaign. The war which Austria was then 
waging against France and Italy gave the cause for 
this. The Prince Eegent of Prussia had determined 
to intervene between the belligerents in favour of 
Austria, and the Prussian army had been mobilized 
for the purpose. 

But as the Austrian emperor had an insuperable 
objection to concede the Prussian Prince Begent's 
demand of having the auxiliary army of the German 
Confederation, which would in that case have taken 
the field, placed under Prussian command, and actually 
preferred the humiliation of Villafranca to this to him 
far harder alternative, there was no opportunity 
afforded to test the merit of the new chief of the 
Prussian staff, and his name and fame accordingly 
continued almost unknown in Europe. 

It was very different in Prussia, where Moltke's re- 
nown spread far and wide as the genial master who, 
by his admirable system and mode of instruction, and 
by his marvellously clear and lucid lectures, was en- 
riching the army with a host of brilliant staff officers, 
such as Voigts-Ehetz, Blumenthal, Steible, Stosch, 
Podbielski, Sperling, and many more of the same high 
stamp. 

In the Danish war of 1864, General Moltke assisted 
in drawing up the plan of the campaign. After the 
retirement of Wrangel from the supreme command at 
the end of April, he joined the new Commander-in- 



Mt ii ir/tu /Hire niitdt' tin 



Chief, Prince KI-LM! crick Charles of Prussia, as ( 'liicf of 
the Staff. After the conclusion of peace lie returned 
to his former position and functions. 

In the beginning of 1866, when it became more and 
more apparent that war with Austria was a contingency 
that had to be seriously contemplated, General Moltke 
was specially invited by the king to assist in the de- 
liberations ad hoc of the highest officers of the 
Prussian army. In these deliberations the Chief of 
the Staff soon took the lead, and the conception and 
elaboration of the plan of the probable campaign was 
left to him. He submitted his plan to the king, who 
thoroughly approved of it, leaving the executive ar- 
rangements unconditionally to him. 

Moltke's motto is, " Erst wagen, dann wayen" 
which may be freely translated, " Ponder and Dare," 
(first to ponder, then to dare ; literally, first weigh, 
then wage). His brilliant plan of the campaign of 
1866 gave the world a first proof of how thoroughly 
he understands how to act upon that motto. Every 
detail of that plan had been maturely pondered in all 
its bearings and contingencies ; and the bold daring 

o o o 

that followed was the deliberate consequence and 
result of such pondering. 

Moltke's great war maxim is, "Getrennt marschiren, 
vereint sclilagen" which may be freely rendered, "To 
separate for the march, to unite for the battle." 

Upon this maxim the invasion of Bohemia was con- 
ceived and planned. Two large armies and a smaller 



New German Empire. 61 

corps, commanded severally by the Crown Prince, 
Prince Frederick Charles, and General Herwarth von 
Bittenfeld, were to enter Bohemia through five differ- 
ent passes, to drive the Austrian corps before them 
that might be sent by Benedek to oppose their advance, 
to concentrate finally near Koniggrlitz, and there to 
crush the Austrian host between them. 

The surprising results of the fierce " seven days' ; 
campaign are too well known by all to need recapitu- 
lation here. Moreover, they will be found reported in 
the memoirs of the military commanders. But what 
is not so universally known, is the fact that the great 
Prussian chief would seem to have originally con- 
templated a still more astounding issue of the struggle 
-a Bohemian Sedan, in fact ; and that the bold plan 
would appear to have failed only because one of the 
sub-commanders, to whom the execution of the several 
parts and details of the complex manoeuvre had neces- 
sarily to be intrusted, failed in achieving his share of 
the work. 

The army of the Crown Prince, ordered to enter 
Bohemia from the Silesian side, consisted of four corps 
-to wit, the Guards, under the command of Prince 
Augustus von Wiirtemberg, instructed to enter 
through the Braunau Pass ; the 1st Corps, under the 
command of General Bonin, instructed to enter through 
the Trautenau Pass ; the 5th Corps, under the com- 
mand of General Steinmetz, instructed to ente through 
the Nachod Pass ; and the 6th Corps, under the com- 



tr/ni /Hire TiW/r f/ic 



maud of General Mutius, originally instructed to watch 
the 2nd Austrian Corps, under the command of 
Count Thun, which was threatening Glatz, but, after 
the withdrawal of that corps, intended, it would ap- 
pear, to enter over Habelschwert, Mittelwaldc, and 
Grulich, seize upon the Wildenschwert line, thence 
march rapidly on to Pardubitz, and, by seizing the 
important line there, cut off the Austrian army under 
Benedek from its communications and from its retreat 
into Moravia. 

Generals Bonin and Steinmetz were to overcome 
severally the resistance of the Austrian corps detached 
from Benedek's army to oppose their advance into 
Bohemia, whilst the Guards at Braunau were to be 
kept in readiness to support either the one or the 
other corps, or both, as circumstances might require. 

On the 27th of June the combined operations de- 
signed by Moltke commenced. General Steinmetz 
succeeded in defeating the Austrian corps opposed to 
him, and General Bonin might have succeeded equally 
in the accomplishment of his part of the task, had he 
not been over-anxiously intent upon making war with 
rosewater-scented, kid-gloved hands. 

The position of Trautenau is commanded by a small 
eminence, called the Capellenberg, or Chapelmount, on 
account of the small Chapel of St. John erected on the 
brow of it. This Chapelmount, held only feebly by 
the Austrians, and completely under the command of 
Prussian artillery, might have been carried by Bonin 



New German Empire. 63 

at an early period of the clay, when the Austrian 
general, Gablentz, had not yet been able to bring up 
all his forces. But General Bonin lost two precious 
hours through his reluctance to shock the religious 
feelings of the Bohemians by directing the fire of artil- 
lery upon the chapel ! 

He had also so little notion of the formidable force 
which Gablentz would later in the day be able to 
bring up against his own corps, that when Prince 
Augustus of AVurtemberg informed him of the arrival 
of the Guards at Braunau, and offered to detach 15,000 
men to his aid, he politely declined the offer, assuring 
the prince that he had ample forces to cope success- 
fully with the Austrians opposed to him. 

The result of Benin's folly was, that he was driven 
back in the afternoon upon Goldenols, and that it re- 
quired the aid of the whole corps of the Guards next 
morning to make good the position of Trautenau and 
Old and New Eognitz, and render possible the advance 
upon Koniginhof. 

Meanwhile Steinmetz, though victorious in the 
battle of Nachod on the 27th, found himself, with 
his corps considerably reduced, opposed to a fresh 
Austrian army vastly superior in numbers to his 
own. 

Moltke was still in Berlin at the time. Upon re- 
ceiving the telegraphic news of the unexpected com- 
plication which Benin's failure had wrought, he un- 
hesitatingly resolved, it would appear, to sacrifice the 



J/r// who //"'-' made flic 



])i-t part of liis ])l;in, and ordered (Icm-ml Mutius to 
advanee at mice to the support of Ceneral Steinmetz, 
whom lie joined at Cradlitz on the 30 til of June. 

It is also said that Molike at once took counsel with 
the' kino- to <niard against the chance of Benin com- 

o o o 

mittinu another blunder in the course of the campaign. 
But the mischief already done could not be repaired, 
and so it came to pass that the Pardubitz road was 
left open for Benedek's retreat from Sadowa's fatal 
field. 

Bonin tried hard to attribute the chief cause of his 
disaster to an act of gross treachery on the part of 
the citizens of Trautenau, and a most circumstantial 
romance was concocted, which obtained almost uni- 
versal credence at the time, how, the city having duly 
and fairly surrendered to Bonin, an Austrian force 
treacherously concealed in the houses had fallen sud- 
denly upon the unsuspecting Prussians, and how the 
vile citizens male and female- -had poured boiling 
pitch and boiling water and sulphuric acid, and Heaven 
knows what else besides, upon the devoted heads of 
Bonin's poor soldiers. 

To give a colouring of reality to the romance, the 
Burgomaster of Trautenau, Dr. Roth, was laid by the 
heels, and sent a prisoner into Prussia, to be tried there 
for his horrid misdeeds. The writer of this sketch 
happened to see the poor man on his dolorous trip ; 
so did his Majesty the king, who indignantly turned 
his back upon the reputed miscreant. 



New German Empire. 65 

King David is reported to have said in his haste, 
that all men are liars. If the Psalmist had visited 
Trautenau about this time, as the writer did, he would 
certainly have found ample grounds there anent this 
treachery romance- -to repeat his hasty remark at his 
fullest leisure. The poor Burgomaster was afterwards 
honourably acquitted of the charge so foully brought 
against him. 

The writer is bound, however, to admit, that in 
the Prussian army the existence of this brilliant plan 
was not at the time generally believed in. It was 
held by many, that General Mutius had been instructed 
from the commencement to join General Steinmetz so 
soon as he should be fully convinced of the withdrawal 
of the second Austrian corps from the Silesian frontier. 
Be this as it may, Moltke's brilliant strategy was 
thoroughly successful in all other respects. Indeed, 
Benedek's retreat was gravely imperilled, and the 
entire Austrian army w^ould have run the most im- 
minent risk of being compelled to surrender after 
Sadowa, had General Herwarth von Bittenfeld been as 
successful in his operations as the Crown Prince. 

General Moltke was personally present at Sadowa. 
After the great battle he continued to direct the on- 
ward march of the Prussian army upon Olmtitz and 
Vienna. It was he to whom was intrusted the 
negotiation of the five days' suspension of arms, 
beginning on the 22nd of July, and followed after by 
the armistice and peace preliminaries of Nikolsburg. 

VOL. i. F 



GG Men who have made the 

After the conclusion of ]>ea<-e, General Moltkc, who 
had already in June been raised to the rank of general 
of infantry, received from his grateful king the high 
distinction of the Order of the Black Eagle, together 
with the chiefship of the 2nd Pomeranian Grenadiers. 
He shared also largely in the dotations subsequently 
voted by the Chambers. 

The attempt made by France to intervene in the 
peace negotiations between Prussia and Austria, and 
the curious demand advanced by Benedetti- -that 
Mayence should be ceded to France, could not but 
have directed the most serious attention of Bismarck, 
Eoon, and Moltke to the possibility of grave compli- 
cations presenting themselves sooner or later on the 
Rhine. 

There can be no doubt but that this contingency 
had been duly pondered by each of the three leaders 
in his own special department. The writer knows for 
a fact that Roon had taken provident steps to increase 
the Prussian force in the field by an addition of some 
three hundred and fifty thousand to four hundred 
thousand men if needed. 

Notice had in fact already been served upon all men 
of military age who had never yet been summoned to 
serve their time. The number of such men of the 
several classes within the limits of the age of service 
was said to amount in the city of Berlin alone to some 
50,000! In the hotel in which the writer was staying 
at the time, the landlord, the porter, the boots, the 



New German Empire. 67 

head waiter, and two other waiters came all of them 
within the category of this call to arms. 

It is quite clear that Moltke also must have been 
ready with his cut-and- dried plan for the contingent 
campaign. Perhaps one of these days that plan will 
see the light. It will certainly afford a curious study. 
In 1867, when the Luxemburg complication threat- 
ened to lead to hostilities between France and the 
North German Confederation, Moltke designed a 
fresh plan of campaign, suited to the somewhat altered 
circumstances of the case. This plan he subsequently 
modified, and then submitted it to the king in 1868, 
or early in 1869, who fully adopted it for the foreseen 
contingency of the inevitable war with France. 

It was upon this identical plan that the campaign 
of 1870-71 was subsequently conducted- -that cam- 
paign which has raised the fame of Moltke as a 
strategist to the highest pinnacle of glory. The 
space at our command precludes the possibility of 
aught beyond this passing allusion to the late 
Franco-German war, which besides amply satisfies 
the requirements of the object which we have in 
view here in connection with this slight sketch of 
the character and career of one of the chief architects 
of the new German Empire. 

On the 26th of October, 1870, General Moltke 
celebrated his seventieth birthday at Versailles. The 
day after, the telegraph brought him a glorious birth- 
day gift, in the shape of the news of the capitulation 

F 2 



68 Mrit t'-ho have nm<l<* tin' 

of M.-tx. 1 which the kiii.'j' added nerl day the title 
of Count. On tin- i!i2inl Marcli, 1871, Count Moltke 
was named Grand ( Voss of the Order of the Iron 
CrOSS; and on the KHh June, 1871, the highest 
military rank, that of Field-Marshal General, wa- 
in '-lowed ii] on him. 

In 1871 lie accepted an eager invitation of the 
Emperor Alexander to pay a visit to St. Petersburg 
and Moscow. He was received with singular honour 
ly the emperor, the imperial family, and the chiefs 
of the Russian army. The commander's Cross of St. 
George was bestowed upon him by the emperor on 
this occasion. The St. Andrew's Cross had been given 
to him before. 

In 1872 the Emperor William made Count Moltke 
a life member of the Prussian House of Lords. The 
Count also again shared largely in the ample dotations 
voted by the Prussian parliament in 1871. The city 
of his birth, Parchim, presented him with the diploma 
of honorary citizenship in 1867, and Colberg, Magde- 
burg, Berlin, Hamburg, Bremen, Lubec, Leipzig, 
Worms, Schweidnitz, Goiiitz, Dresden, and other 
municipalities have since followed the example. 

Rarely indeed have so many honours of all kinds 
and from all quarters been accumulated upon the head 
of any one man ; and still more rarely have they been 
borne so meekly. It may in truth be said, that unpre- 
tending simplicity and unassuming modesty constitute 
the cardinal features of Moltke's character. 



New German Empire. 69 



Were it not for the antique head and the fine 
features, cast in a true classic mould, few might notice 
the tall, lean officer in plain military undress, with 
simple cap on head, who may be seen every day walk- 
ing along the Linden, or some part of Berlin, gently 
waving to the sentinels of the numerous guards he is 
passing his desire to dispense with the customary 
military honours. Yet no one can look a minute 
upon his face and into his eyes without being struck 
by the unconscious consciousness of power, if an 
expressive paradox may be permitted, engraven on 
that tranquil brow, and beaming from those steady 
orbs. He is a spare man like Cassius, whom two 
Caesars have already had ample reason to wish fatter. 

The most salient mental and intellectual feature in 
him is his marvellous clearness of conception and 
apprehension, and the limpid lucidity with which he 
places before others the things that are clear to him, 
so as to make them equally clear to them. In his 
orders to the generals under his guidance he confines 
himself strictly to the great outline of the general 
plan of campaign conceived by him, leaving to them 
individually the fullest and freest initiation of filling 
in the details, each according to his own best notion 
and understanding. 

Is the military career of this greatest strategist of 
all ages ended now ? Who can say \ He bears his 
seventy-three winters wondrous well. Germany had 
to dread three military powers, and only two of them 



70 Men ?'7/o have made the 

have as yet been overthrown. Three is a sacred 
number " Alter gut en Dinge sind Drei" is a time- 
honoured German saying. 

If the writer of this brief sketch remembers aright, 
Moltke's first literary essay was a history of the last 
Eusso-Turkish campaign in European Turkey, published 
in 1835 ; and this much is certain, that the young 
staff officer lent by Prussia to the Sultan in the very 
same year, turned the first fruits of his arduous 
military studies to the best account in devising and 
advising ways and means to strengthen the Turkish 
empire against Russian aggression. It would be a 
most glorious ending indeed for the most trusty and 
most trusted military counsellor of Sultan Mahmud 
in 183539, if for a last achievement he should place 
the integrity of the Turkish empire beyond the 
chance of peril, by inflicting a lasting blow upon 
its mortal foe. 

It has been stated in this memoir that the great 
strategist has been felicitously characterized as being 
" eloquently silent in seven languages." Yet, though 
actually not much given to indulgence in speech, he 
can speak remarkably well, and more to the point and 
purpose than most great orators. Quite recently he 
has given the world brilliant proof of this by his two 
marvellous speeches on the Army Bill. 

The subjoined report of the negotiations which 
terminated in the capitulation of Sedan, and in which 
Moltke acted as chief negotiator on the part of 



New German Empire. 71 

Germany, may not be deemed out of place here, as it 
will serve to throw considerable light upon the 
character of the general as well as upon that of the 
great German Minister. The writer has every reason 
to believe this report authentic. 



t 'l J/r// ir/io ltr< nnn/r. tltc 



THE "WE VICTIS!' OF DONCHERY. 

(AX EPISODE OF THE LATE FRANCO-GERMAN WAR.) 

IT was on the night of the 1st of September, 1870 
Sedan had been desperately fought, and hopelessly 
and irretrievably lost by M'Mahon and his unlucky 
successor, Wimpffen. The infernal din of nigh upon 
a thousand pieces of artillery was hushed for a time, 
the victorious Germans having granted a brief sus- 
pension of arms for discussing the terms of capitula- 
tion to be imposed upon the crushed and shattered 
host of France. 

King William had finally dismissed for the night 
Count Bismarck and General Moltke, and had gone 
from the field of battle to his quarters at Vendresse. 
The statesman and the general had wended their way 
to the small township of Donchery, about three 
English miles from the walls of Sedan, where a large 
hall on the ground floor of a mansion had been pre- 
pared and arranged for the reception of the French 
and German negotiators. 

At about eleven o'clock the French generals, 
Wimpffen, Faure, and Castelnau, attended by a 



New German Empire. 73 

number of French officers, entered the hall, in which 
they found a crowd of German officers assembled. 
Some ten minutes after, Count Bismarck and General 
Moltke, accompanied by Generals Blumenthal and 
Podbielski, Lieut.-Colonel Verdy, of the German staff, 
and other officers, made their appearance. 

After a brief exchange of salutations, General 
Moltke asked General Wimpffen for his powers. 
Having verified these, he courteously inquired of 
General Wimpffen in what capacity Generals Faure 
and Castelnau, who had just been duly presented to 
him, were attending the conference. General Faure, 
whilst waiving all claim to an official character in the 
matter, asserted nevertheless his right to be present in 
his capacity of chief of the staff of Marshal M'Mahon, 
and accordingly now attending General AVimpffen in 
the same capacity. General Castelnau simply pleaded 
that he was the bearer of an oral and official com- 
munication on the part of the Emperor Napoleon, 
which communication he was, however, empowered to 
impart to General Moltke only at the end of the con- 
ference. He admitted that he had no official character 
in the matter, and that he could claim no right to be 
present in an official capacity. 

The negotiators on both sides then took their seats 
at a square table, with a red cover on it, placed in the 
centre of the hall. General Moltke, with Count 
Bismarck on his left and General Blumenthal on his 
right, occupied one side of the table. On the opposite 



74 Men who have made the 

side sat General Wimpffen quite alone, Generals Faure 
and Castelnau, and several other French officers, 
taking their places a little in the rear. Lieut. -Colonel 
Verdy took up his position by the mantelpiece, to 
act as secretary to the conference. About half a 
dozen German officers also remained in the hall, in 
obedience to General Blumenthal's invitation to stay. 
The other officers had of course left the apartment 
almost immediately after the entrance of General 
Moltke and his companions. 

After the negotiators had taken their seats, several 
minutes passed before poor General Wimpffen could 
muster sufficient resolution to begin the discussion. 
He might have been waiting for some slight sign 
of benevolent encouragement on the part of General 
Moltke. In vain : the great strategist kept his seat 
and his face alike as immovable as a statue. 

" I wish to know," said Wimpffen at last, " what 
terms of capitulation His Majesty the King of Prussia 
intends to offer us ? ' 

GENERAL MOLTKE : " Our conditions are very 
simple. We demand the surrender of the whole 
French army in Sedan, now surrounded by our forces, 
with arms and baggage, all officers and men alike as 
prisoners of war. As a mark of our esteem for the 
bravery displayed, we will allow the officers to retain 
their swords." (Even this trifling concession was sub- 
sequently withdrawn.) 

WIMPFFEN : " These are hard terms ; very hard 



New German Empire. 75 



terms indeed. I think the valour shown by our troops 
should entitle them to somewhat more generous con- 
ditions than these. Might it not be feasible that you 
should content yourselves with the surrender of the 
fortress, with all its artillery and other armaments, 
allowing the army to march off with arms, banners, 
and baggage, on the solemn stipulation that it shall 
not fight again during the present war against Prussia ? 
The emperor and his generals to take this engage- 
ment for the army, and the officers for their own 
persons in writing ; the army to be led to any part of 
France that may be chosen by Prussia for the purpose, 
or to Algeria, and to remain there until the conclusion 
of peace \ ' 

After a brief pause Wimpffen continued "It is 

only two days since I came here from Africa, from the 

outermost borders of the desert. Up to this no stain 

ever soiled my military reputation. In the very 

midst of a battle I have supreme command thrust 

upon me, and find myself fatally compelled to put 

my name to a disastrous capitulation, having all the 

responsibility thrown upon my shoulders I, who had 

nothing whatever to do with the initiative of the 

battle which alone is the cause of this capitulation. 

You, General Moltke, who are a general the same as 

I am you cannot but conceive and feel the bitter 

painfulness of my position. You have it in your 

power to make my unhappy task less bitter, less 

acutely painful to me. Grant us more honourable 



70 Mr// vr//o have in<Jr ///,- 



terms. \\\\\ should you not consent to what I 
just proposed ? Should you, however, persist in 
imposing upon us the harsh conditions stated by you, 
I must declare that I cannot subscribe to them. I 
shall in that case appeal to the valour of my army, 
either to force our way through your lines, or to 
defend ourselves to the last in Sedan." 

MOLTKE : " I entertain, indeed, the highest esteem 
for you, general, and feel deeply for your position ; 
but I can only express my sincere regret that I am 
unable to comply with your wishes. I have to 
observe to you, that the defence of Sedan, which you 
would seem to contemplate, is just as absolute an 
impossibility as the forcing of our lines would be sure 
to prove were you to attempt it. 

" You have indeed some excellent troops. Part of 
your infantry (Zouaves, Turcos, Bifles, and Marines) 
I acknowledge to be first-rate fighting material. Your 
cavalry is bold and brave to temerity; whilst for your 
artillery, it is truly admirable, and has inflicted great 
losses upon us. On the other hand, you should not 
forget, however, that the larger portion of your in- 
fantry is in a state of demoralization, in proof of 
which I need only call your attention to the fact that 
we have in this day's battle captured from you some 
20,000 unwounded prisoners. You have only 80,000 
men left, and you must know that I have thrown a 
girdle of 240,000 men round your army, with five 
hundred pieces of artillery, three hundred of which 



New German Empire. 




/ > 



are already in position to bombard Sedan, and the 
remaining two hundred will be in position by to- 
morrow's dawn. 

" If you wish to assure yourself of the truth of my 
words, I am willing to allow one of your officers to 
inspect the several positions occupied by my forces. 
I am sure he will confirm the correctness of my state- 
ment. The defence of Sedan, of which you have also 
spoken, is the purest matter of impossibility. Why, 
you have not provisions enough to last you for forty- 
eight hours, and you are also short of ammunition." 

WIMPFFEN : "I think it would be to your own 
interest, looking at the matter from the political 
standpoint, to grant us honourable terms, to which 
the army I have the honour to command is surely 
entitled in consideration of the bravery shown by 
it in these disastrous battles. 

" It is your wish to make peace, and to make it 
soon. The French people are magnanimous and 
chivalrous beyond any other nation. France will 
know how to appreciate the generosity shown her. 
She has always been grateful to those who have 
treated her with forbearance in the days of her mis- 
fortune. If you consent to grant us terms that will 
not hurt the feelings of the troops, but will rather 
gratify their self-esteem, the people will feel equally 
flattered. Your generous conduct will tend to assuage 
the natural grief of the people at the defeat of all 
their cherished notions and hopes. 



78 3[cn who have made tl' 

" A peace concluded under such auspices would 
alone afford reasonable chances of proving lasting ; 
for your noble conduct would lead to a return of 
those feelings of mutual friendliness that ought to 
exist between two great neighbouring nations, and 
which you yourselves can only wish to see restored 
once more between the Germans and the French. 

" If, on the other hand, you persist in those harsh 
conditions you would impose upon us, you will surely 
kindle anger and hatred in the heart of our soldiers, 
and deeply offend the self-love of the whole nation. 
All the evil and brutal instincts of man, barely lulled 
to slumber by the progress of civilization, would then 
be re-awakened, and you would risk kindling an end- 
less war between France and Prussia/ J 

After this passionate pleading of General Wimpffen, 
Count Bismarck, who up to this had taken no active 
part in the conference, went in for his innings in his 
habitual ruthless way, his usual incisive manner, and 
with his customary sledge-hammer logic. 

" General;' said the Count, " your argument would 



seem at first glance to rest upon sound premises and 
principles ; but, looked at more closely, it turns out 
to be merely specious it will not hold water, nor will 
it bear discussion. 

" Gratitude generally is a feeling no wise man 
would much trust to, but specially and least of all 
the gratitude of a people. A prince may, under 
certain circumstances, prove grateful for acts of gene- 



New German Empire. 79 

rosity to him and his. One may to some extent 
trust in his and his family's feelings and professions 
of gratefulness ; but, I repeat it, the case is very dif- 
ferent with a nation. Still, if the French people were 
like other peoples, if they had firmly-established, 
lasting institutions, and due reverence and affection 
for them, and also a sovereign firmly seated on the 
throne, we might, trusting in the emperor and his 
son's gratefulness, shape our conditions accordingly. 

" But for the last eighty years past France has seen 
a most strange variety of governments succeed one 
another with bewildering rapidity, beyond all pre- 
vision and calculation. There is no reliance to be 
placed in any way upon your nation. If a neigh- 
bouring peop]e were to build hopes upon the gratitude 
of a French sovereign, it would be an act of madness 
simply something like attempting to build in the 
air. It would be the merest folly to imagine that 
France would ever forgive us our successes. You are 
an excitable, envious, jealous people, arrogant to 
excess. 

" In the course of the last two centuries, France 
has made war thirty times upon Prussia and Germany, 
and now once more has your envy and jealousy led 
you to make war upon us, because, forsooth, you could 
not forgive us the victory of Sadowa, which yet had 
cost you nothing, and could not dim your glory. But 
you clung to the notion that victory should be held 
your own especial and exclusive privilege, and military 



80 .I/*'// H'lin htli'f ,,'</<' Il,r 

renown your proud monopoly. You could not endure 
another r ( jii;ill\- powerful n;ition ;it your side. 

"You could not foriri\v us Sadowa, whicli yet did 
not touch your interests nor your yluirc ; and would 
YOU make us believe that you could ever forgive us 
Sedan ' Never ! If we were to conclude peace now, 
YOU \\ould 1)0 safe to begin again in five or ten years ; 
in fact, as soon as you should consider the chances 
promising. Such would be all the gratitude we might 
expect at your hands. 

" We, on the contrary, are an honest, peaceful 
people, that have never run after conquests beyond 
the legitimate limits of our own land ; and we now 
ardently desire peace ; only that your contentious, 
grasping, and conquest -gluttonous disposition will 
not permit us to enjoy it. There must be an end 
to this. France must be punished in her pride and 
in her ambitious aspirations. We will at last, for 
once, take guarantees for the safety of our descendants, 
and to this end we must build up a fence between us 
and France, by securing the possession of a territory, 
with fortresses and other solid boundaries, that shall 
place us for evermore beyond the danger of another 
aggression from your side." 

WTMPFFEX : " Your pardon, Excellency. You are 
deceived and misled in your judgment of the French 
as they are to-day. They are no longer the people of 
1815. Do not judge the French nation of the present 
day by the versos of a few poets, the writings of a 



New German Empire. 81 

few authors, and the articles of a few journalists. 
The French of to-day are quite different from the 
French of the past. Thanks to the prosperity of the 
empire, the minds and aspirations of the people have 
turned to speculation, to business, to the arts, &c. 
Every individual in the land is bent upon increasing 
his wealth and adding to the sum of his enjoyments, 
and certainly thinks much more of his own personal 
interests than of national glory. We are quite ready 
in France to proclaim the universal fraternity of all 
nations. Just cast your glances upon England. What 
has become of the ancient hatred and enmity between 
the two peoples I Are not the English our best friends 
now ? It will be the same with Germany, Excellency, 
if you are generous now, and do not insist upon such 
harsh conditions." 

BISMARCK : " I must interrupt you, General. No ! 
France has not changed. France would have this 
war which the Emperor Napoleon has made upon us, 
merely to flatter the mad hankering of the French 
people after glory. We know very well that the 
sound and rational portion of the French did not urge 
on this war, although they over- eagerly fell in with 
the notion when once started. We also know that it 
is not the French army now that is the most hostile 
to Germany, but the same old restless section of the 
nation which has always driven France into war, and 
which makes and unmakes governments with you. 
u With you it is the mob and the journalists who 

VOL. I. G 



Men tr/> In in- iufnlr 



do tlirse tilings, ;m<l whom we intend to punish. 
Therefore we niuM march upon Paris. Who knows 
what may happen meanwhile ? Perhaps some govern- 
ment may suddenly spring up that will pay heed to 
naught that has passed before, and will refuse to ratify 
the capitulation made by you, absolving the officers 
from the obligations contracted with us. We know 
full well that soldiers are easily improvised in France ; 
but young soldiers have not the worth of old soldiers, 
and an efficient body of officers and under-officers is 
not to be created on the spur of the moment. 

" We wish for peace ; but we would have a lasting 
peace, and to obtain this it seems indispensable that 
we should place France in the impossibility of resisting 
us. The fate of battles has placed in our hands the 
best soldiers and officers of the French army. It 
would be madness to be generous and let them go 
again, with the almost certainty staring us in the face 
finding them once more opposing us in the field. Such 
an act would simply mean the prolongation of the war, 
which is so much against the best interests of our 
people. No, General, deeply though we feel for your 
position, and however flattering the opinion we enter- 
tain of the excellence of your army, we cannot comply 
with your request ; we cannot modify our conditions/' 

WIMPFFEN : " I could not think of signing such a 
capitulation. The fight will have to begin again." 

CASTELNAU : " I believe the moment has now arrived 
to give you the emperor's message. The emperor 



New German Empire. 83 

has charged me to inform his Majesty the King of 
Prussia that he has unconditionally sent him his 
sword, and that he places his person entirely in his 
power. He has clone so, however, purely in the hope 
that such an act of absolute devotion would move the 
heart of the king, and that he would, in appreciation 
thereof, grant the French army a more honourable 
capitulation- -in short, such a capitulation as that 
army may justly claim in consideration of its bravery." 

BISMAECK : " Is that all you have to say to us 1 ' 

CASTELNAU : " Yes all." 

BISMAECK : " To whom does the sword belong 
which the Emperor Napoleon III. thus surrenders 
to the king ? Is it the sword of France, or is it 
simply his Majesty's sword \ If the former, we 
may feel disposed to considerably modify our terms, 
and your mission would in that case assume a more 
serious character." 

CASTELNAU : " This sword is simply the emperor's 
alone." 

MOLTKE (hastily and almost joyfully) : " In which 
case we can concede no modification of our terms. 
The emperor will obtain for his own person all he 
may please to demand." 

WLMPFFEN : "We shall have to renew the battle 
then." 

MOLTKE : " To-morrow morning at four o'clock 
the armistice expires. With the stroke of four 
shall resume firing." 



84 Men who have made the 

Then all parties rose from their seats, and the 
French officers called for their horses. There was a 
painful silence in the hall for several minutes, when 
Count Bismarck addressed himself once more to 
Wimpffen. " General," he said, impressively, " you 
have indeed brave and heroic soldiers, and I doubt 
not but that they would do wonders of valour 
to-morrow, and would inflict grievous losses upon 
us if the fight were renewed. But what can be 
the use of all this ? To-morrow night you would 
find yourself no farther advanced than to-night, 
and you would only have burdened your con- 
science with the blood of our soldiers and of 
yours, which you would have caused to be 
shed in vain. This conference must not be per- 
mitted to come to naught owing to a moment 
of passion. I trust General Moltke may yet 
succeed in demonstrating to you the hopeless- 
ness of any attempt at further resistance on 
your part." 

The parties sat down again. 

MOLTKE : " I affirm once more to you that you 
cannot break through our lines, even if your troops 
were in the best possible condition. Not to dwell 
unduly upon the great numerical superiority of my 
army, more particularly in artillery, I hold positions 
from which Sedan can be set on fire by our guns in 
a couple of hours. These positions command all 
outlets from which an attempt might be made upon 



New German Empire. 85 

our lines ; and they are so strong as to defy all 
attempts at capturing them." 

WIMPFFEN : " These positions are not so strong 
as you assert." 

MOLTKE : "You do not know the topography of 
the country round Sedan ; and this curious fact most 
strongly marks and characterises your vain-glorious 
and frivolous nation. At the opening of the cam- 
paign, you supplied all your officers with maps of 
Germany, whilst you lacked the means of studying 
the topography of your own country, as you had 
no maps of France. Well, I tell you once more 
that my positions are not simply strong, but that 
they are formidable, and cannot possibly be taken 
by you." 

WIMPFFEN : " I will accept, then, the offer which 
you kindly made at the beginning of the conference, 
and I will send an officer to inspect your formidable 
positions, that I may be guided in my resolutions 
by his report." 

MOLTKE: "You will send no one now to inspect 
my positions. You may give credence to my assur- 
ance that it is so. There is no longer time now. 
It is just upon midnight, and the armistice expires 
at four o'clock in the morning. I will not grant 
you even one minute's extension of the time." 

WIMPFFEN : " But, General, you must know that 
I cannot by myself take such a momentous step. 
I must consult my fellow generals ; and as I do 



8G M> a who have made 



not know when- to find tliem in Sedan, it is im- 
pus>ible lor mr to uivo you n reply by four o'clock 
in the morning. It is absolutely indispensable that 
you should consent to <_:rant me an extension of time. ' 

MOLTKE : "I regret my inability to consent to 
your wishes even in this." 

Here Count JUsmarck whispered to Moltkc tliat 
thev would under all circumstances have to await 
the arrival of the king, who could not well be 
expected before nine o'clock. Moltkc then turned 
;igaiii to Wimpffen, and briefly informed him that 
the time of the armistice would be extended to nine 
o'clock in the morning, which was the utmost limit 
of concession he could go to. 

The French general uttered a few brief words of 
thanks even for this very small concession. It was 
clearly apparent to every one present that he had as 
good as accepted the capitulation, despite the harshness 
of its terms, and that all he was striving for now 

o 

was to have his own awful responsibility in the 
matter covered and lightened, to some extent at 
least, by the sanction of the other commanders of 
the army. 

The French officers then took their leave with 
aching hearts and clouded brows. 

The great statesman and the great strategist felt 
naturally much elated at the immense results achieved, 
but they were also deeply moved. " Vse victis ! ; 
said Bismarck, turning to Moltke. " Heaven grant 



New German Empire. 



we may never again have to exchange positions with 
these irreconcilable foes ; they would surely blot us 
out from the map of Europe." "True," replied 
Moltke ; " and for this very reason we must utterly 
crush them ere we can afford to grant them peace 
even on our own terms, and these terms must abso- 
lutely include the cession to us of their strategic 
frontier. With the Vosges for our boundary line, 
and Metz-Diedenhofen in our hands, we need never 
fear them again." 



88 Men x'fto ft" re /ii</e the 



IV. 



PRINCE BISMARCK. 

ON the 2nd of September, 1871, the first anniversary 
of the dies mirabilis of Sedan, the writer happened 
to be at Elberfeld-Barmen, the great manufacturing 
twin city, the Manchester- Salford of Germany. The 
people of the Wupperdale are, as a rule, a sober- 
minded, hard-working set, devout votaries of the 
great god of money-making, and but little given 
to cultivate or celebrate the pride and pomp of 
glorious war. But on this special occasion, on the 
first anniversary of the " crowning mercy," the twin- 
sisters had made up their minds to go in for a 
grand celebration, and they had accordingly doffed 
their grimy every-day garb of industry, and donned 
instead their gayest gala dress. 

The woods and forests all round had been stripped 
bare of their leafy covering. The streets had literally 
burst into an eruption of oak, from tall young trees, 
through every size and variety of branches down 



New German Empire. 89 

to crowns, wreaths, and garlands, and monstrous 
boa-constrictor ropes of immense length. Numerous 
triumphal arches, some of them of surpassing magni- 
tude and corresponding beauty and splendour, spanned 
the principal thoroughfares. Hundreds upon hundreds 
of banners fluttered gaily in the breeze ; thousands 
upon thousands of smaller paper flags, of all colours 
and combinations of colours, were hung out from 
roofs and windows to heighten the effect of the 
bigger bunting. The fronts of nearly every house 
were covered with strings of paper balloons and 
Chinese lanterns, whose bright, gay colours looked 
brighter still in the glorious sunshine ; for not even 
the slightest cloud dimmed the serenity of the sky 
on that festival day. There was not a nation in the 
world whose flag had not a representative hoisted 
somewhere in the streets and lanes even Otaheite 
and the Sandwich Isles were there ! 

The Wupper, that soiled mountain -stream, allowed 
freedom for this one day from the defiling embraces 
of the Giant Industry, seemed to join in the general 
rejoicings, and actually began to look less dirty 
as the day advanced. 

At about eight P.M. the illuminations began on 

X 

the grandest scale, throwing into shade the happiest 
efforts in that line in the palmiest days of old 
Vauxhall. Some were extremely tasteful, others 
very gorgeous, and others, again, pleasingly simple. 
The Townhouse and many other buildings seemed 



'.)<> Men wlio have made the 

actually floating in a sea of light. Chinese and 
I M- n gal fires threw their bright green and red glare 
far and wide around them, charmingly clothing the 
white gaslight streaks in the vicinity with their 
complementary colours. Electric, magnesium, and 
lime lights strove successfully to turn night into day. 

Transparencies and illuminated inscriptions- -taste- 
ful or ingenious, or both- -were to be seen by the 
dozen in nearly every street. 

In the course of his nocturnal perambulation the 
writer was particularly struck with one transparency 
rather out of the common run. This was in the 
Auerstrasse, at the shop of a M. Langensiepen, 
stationer and bookbinder. 

This patriotic citizen exhibited a gigantic illumi- 
nated poster, all done in writing, executed in a 
variety of styles of most graceful and elegant penman- 
ship. The literary composition was equal to the pen- 
manship. It was all anent the " noblest structure 
of the world's history' (der Prachtbau der Welt- 
yeschichte), to w r it, the new German empire, and the 
men who had been chiefly instrumental in the raising 
of it, marked with appropriate designations indicating 
the nature of their respective shares in the great 
work. Among these figured, first and foremost, the 
architect the projector and planner of the whole, 
the presiding genius over all- -Bismarck. 

" Der Mann, der hohen Geist's den grossen Plan geniacht, 
Mit macht'ger Willenskraft das Herrliche vollbracht." 



Neiv German Empire. 91 

Which may be rendered into English somewhat 
freely 

" The man whose mighty will, with giant power combined, 
The noble fabric reared his genius had designed." 

Many other names came after Bismarck's. King 
William, here surnamed "the Upright" (der Biedere), 
who w r as designated as " head-master of the works ; ' 
Moltke, Eoon, Blumenthal, Stosch, Sperling, Stiehle, 
Podbielski, &c., who were designated as "conductors 
of the technical department ; ' the Crown Prince, 
Prince Frederick Charles, Prince Albert (now King) 
of Saxony, Vogel von Falkenstein, Voigts-Ehetz, 
Goben, Werder, Steinmetz, &c., who were designated 
as "foremen in the executive branches," &c. 

The only name omitted from the list of leading 
chiefs in the field was that of poor ManteufTel, whom 
his Majesty the Emperor-King has since raised to the 
supreme military rank of Field-Marshal General, but 
to whose merits in the field, if not in the Cabinet, the 
German people, and to a very considerable extent the 
German army, always will persist in remaining obsti- 
nately blind. 

But the enthusiastic crowd gathered round the 
poster seemed to have eyes only for the leading 
name- -Bismarck. Hurrah after hurrah, and Lebehoch 
after LeJbeliocli were shouted forth from a hundred 
stentorian lungs in connection with the name of the 
popular Chancellor, who was acclaimed as the ' Pride 



Men U'llO JHll'C ni<l<! 



of Prussia," the u Genius of Germany," the " Glorious 
Creator of the Glorious new Empire," &c. 

By way of finisli, the crowd burst out spontaneously 
into sinking the distich, "Der Mann," to an impro- 
vised air, something of an impracticable cross between 
" God save the Queen " and " Froggy would a wooing 



go." 



The Germans are a musical people, but somehow 
the singing induced the writer and his companions, 
two of the fathers of the city of Elberfeld, to take 
discretion to be the better part of valour, and " move 
on *' at the double quick. It might be that the pro- 
fuse libations that had been universally poured all 
day at the shrine of King Gambrinus had somehow 
got between the vocal chords of the chanters and 
rendered the sounds passing through less agreeable 
to the ear. 

To one who, like the writer, has had many oppor- 
tunities in former years to feel the pulse of public 
opinion in Germany anent one Bismarck- Schonhausen, 
who was, up to as late as 1865 and the first half of 
1866, held up to almost universal execration as the 
bane and curse of poor Prussia, and as the anti- 
German demon, it might have seemed almost in- 
credible that this hero of the aura popularis of the 
hour, whom all the people around were heard talking 
of so affectionately as " our own Bismarck/' could 
possibly be the same man. 

The explanation of this phenomenal popularity of 



New German Empire. 93 

the man, which not alone has remained unabated up 
to the present day, but may be said to have grown 
into actual love bordering on idolatry, may in a 
measure be found in the fact that Bismarck has 
always honestly striven, not to court popularity, but 
to deserve it. And the secret of his marvellous 
success may be found in the two lines cited above. 
A mighty genius, a mighty will, a mighty power 
combined in one man a man puissant alike to con- 
ceive, to will, and to do. 

The origin of the family Bismarck, or Bismark, as 
some of the branches write the name, is lost in the 
grey antiquity of the earlier middle-age centuries. 
Some genealogists would trace it to Gottschalk, 1 the 
famous prince and ruler of the great Wendean or 
Vindish confederation of the Slavic tribes settled from 
the fourth to the eleventh century in North Germany, 
from the Fichtel Mountains to Holstein. 

This " glorious ' origin (Slava means " glory ") 
finds not much favour, however, with the Bismarcks, 
who pride themselves rather upon their pure German 
descent, and feel accordingly much more inclined to 
adopt another genealogical account, which makes a 
certain German Athaling, or Baron, rejoicing in the 
name of Bismarck, come from Bohemia to the so- 

1 He was the contemporary of the German emperors from Con- 
rad II. to Henry IY. In the time of the former he had apostatized 
from the Christian faith, which Archbishop Adelbert of Bremen 
induced him subsequently to re-embrace. He was finally slain by 
his own people. 



t 

94 M^ it (''}/<> Jiave made tin 1 



called Altmark, or Old March, in the governmental 
district of ^la-'dclnirn-, some time about the twelfth 

O O' 

century. He and his immediate successors founded 
1 1 ere the town of Bismarck, near Stendal (this Bis- 
marck is now a petty township with close upon 2,000 
inhabitants), and the village of Burgstall. Several 
members of the family figure on the civil registers 
of the cities of Stendal and Prenzlow, as having filled 
certain important municipal positions. 

In the year 1-494 the town of Bismarck was handed 
over to the family of Alvensleben, and in 1562 the 
Elector Joachim II. , of Brandenburg, acquired the 
village of Burgstall from the then possessor, Friedrich 
von Bismarck, governor of the Altmark, in exchange 
for the manors of Schonhausen, Fischbeck, Crevese, 
Briest, and others, which remain still in the possession 
of the several branches of the family. 

Frederick von Bismarck, surnamed the Permutator, 
on account of this exchange of estates, had two 
sons, from whom the present two lines of the family 
spring- -the Schonhausen line and the Crevese 
line. 

Both lines have furnished to the state several lead- 
ing men in the field and in the cabinet. Christopher 
Frederick von Bismarck- Schonhausen was a distin- 
guished soldier in the times of the great Elector and 
of the first King of Prussia. He was a general in 
the army, and governor of the fortress of Ciistrin. 
Levin Frederick von Bismarck was for eighteen years 



New German Empire. 95 

(1746-64) Minister of State and of Justice in 
Prussia under Frederick II., and first President of 
the Exchequer Court. His son, Augustus William, 
was Minister of State and of War, and Minister- 
President ; also Chief of the Customs and Excise 
Department, and President of the Board of Trade, 
Commerce, and Manufactures. He died in 1783. 

The head of the Elienan branch of the Schon- 
hausen line, William von Bismarck, general in the 
Wtirtemberg service, was in 1816 made a count by 
the King of Wurtemberg, with succession to the 
descendants of his elder brother, Baron Ludwig. 

Another of the Schonhausens, Theodor, married, in 
the year 1817, the daughter and heiress of Frederick 
Lewis, Count of Bohlen, the last male member of an 
ancient Pomeranian family. This Theodor was made 
a count by the King of Prussia, and took the name 
of Bohlen in addition to his own. His son, Frederick 
Alexander von Bismarck-Bohlen (born the 15th of 
June, 1818), late governor of Alsace-Lorraine, is a 
cousin of the great German Chancellor. 

Otto Edward Leopold von Bismarck was born on 
the 1st of April, 1815, at Schonhausen, in the Altmark. 
His father, Charles William Ferdinand, was born on 
the 13th of November, 1771. He was the head of 
the Altmark-Pomeranian branch of the Schonhausen 
line, and proprietor of the manors of Schonhausen in 
the Altmark ; also of the manors of Kniepholz, and 
Kiilz, and Jarchelin, in the Naucfard district, in 



96 M^en who liave made the 



Pomerania. He had ln-m captain in the Carabineer 
regiment of the Prussian Horse Guards. 

His wife, Louisa Wilhelmina, born in 1790, was 
the daughter of Privy Councillor Menken, a distin- 
guished high official in the Prussian service. 

There were six children born of the marriage, of 

O ' 

whom the two eldest and the youngest died early in 
life. The three other children survive. The eldest 
of these, Bernhard, born in 1810, is now lord of the 
manors of Klilz and Jarchelin, Chamberlain and 
Privy Councillor, and Landrath, or Prefect, of the 
Naugard district. The only surviving daughter, 
Malvina, born in 1827, is married to Chamberlain 
von Amin-Krochlendorf. 

The mother was a very superior woman. Brought 
up in the old-fashioned school of female training in 
Germany, she combined a rare proficiency in the 
accomplishments and refinements of the highest 
society, with an equally rare proficiency in every 
branch of domestic economy; and more than this, 
she was a Christian woman and Christian mother 
in the highest sense of the term, free from the least 
taint of religious zealotry or bigotry. The father, it 
would appear, was by no means a man of vigorous 
mind : he was slightly indolent, and given much to 
the pursuit of pleasure. The mother exercised a 
most powerful influence upon the formation of the 
mind and principles of Otto in the earliest and most 
plastic period of the boy's life. The great Chancellor 



New German Empire. 97 

may indeed be said to afford a most striking example 
of the vital importance and the glorious results of a 
mother's early training and teaching. 

Otto had not yet completed his seventh year when 
his parents placed him with Professor Plamann of 
Berlin, a gentleman who at the time enjoyed a high 
and well-deserved reputation as a successful instructor 
and educator of youth. Five years later the boy was 
transferred to the Frederick William Gymnasium, and 
in 1830 to the Grey Conventual School, where his pre- 
paratory education received the finishing touch. 

At Easter 1832, when he had just completed his 
seventeenth year, the young lad w T as sent to the 
University of Gottingen to study law and political 
economy in all its branches. The year after, 1833, he 
exchanged Gottingen for Berlin, where he completed 
his studies. 

At Easter 1835, he passed a most brilliant exami- 
nation, and was appointed soon after Auscultator l at 
the city court of Berlin. A year after, he exchanged 
the law for the administrative branch, and was 
appointed referendarius, or reporter, at Aix-la- 
Chapelle. 

In Prussia high and low are bound alike to serve 
the country in a military ca/pacity, the only distinction 
in this matter being made in favour of young men of 
proved superior education and knowledge, who, besides 

1 Auscultator, a listener, hearkener, or hearer ; the lowest step 
on the Prussian law ladder a kind of sucking barrister. 

VOL. I. H 



98 Men fit'* In ice made tJtc 

being only called upon to serve one year in times of 
peace, are permitted, within certain necessary limits, 
to choose the branch of the service which they prefer, 
and the city or place where they would like to pass 
their year of voluntary military duty. Young 
Bismarck selected the Rifles of the Guard, stationed 
at Potsdam, and was accordingly transferred from 
Aix-la-Chapelle to the latter city. 

Meanwhile his mother's health had given way, and 
the administration of the paternal estates in Pome- 
rania began to show lamentable signs of lack of 
the former skill and vigour, which induced young 
Bismarck to turn his attention to the study of agri- 
culture. 

There was at the time a famous agricultural insti- 
tute at Eldena, near Greifswalde. To enable him to 
pursue his studies there, he asked for and obtained 
his transfer to the Pomeranian Rifles, stationed at 
Greifswalde (in 1838). 

After the death of his mother (on the 1st January, 
1839), and the expiration of his time of military 
service, in the spring of 1839 he, with the free con- 
sent of his father, conducted, in conjunction with his 
elder brother Bernhard, the administration of the 
paternal estates. In 1841, when the elder brother 
was appointed landrath, or prefect, of the Naugard 
district, the brothers divided the administration of 
the estates between them, the elder taking Kiilz, the 
younger Kniephausen and Jarchelin. 



New German Empire. 99 

After the death of the father, in 1845, Otto 
handed Jarchelin, vastly improved, over to the elder 
brother, receiving in exchange the old family seat 
of Schonhausen, where he took up his residence. 
He was appointed by the government deichhaupt- 
mann, or warden of the dikes. 

He was soon after sent by the knights and 
squires of the second riding of the Jerichow dis- 
trict as their representative to the Provincial Diet 
of the Province of Saxony, in which capacity he 
attended the sittings of the first United Prussian 
Diet at Berlin in the summer of 1847. 

These were critical times for Prussia. The ardent 
aspirations of the Prussian people after greater 
political and social liberty than the nation had 
been permitted to enjoy under narrow-minded old 
Frederick William III., had been persistently thwarted 
for the last seven years by his successor Frederick 
William IV., who had just then, however, at last 
reluctantly and grudgingly consented to grant his 
people something like an imitation constitutional 
charter, with a Brummagem system of representa- 
tion. This was the famous Eoval Patent of the 

V 

3rd of February, 1847. 

The then leaders of the Liberal and Progressist 
party in Prussia were men of high intellectual 
culture and great attainments, but perhaps some- 
what idealistic, slightly deficient in practical sense, 
and wanting in directness and clearness of purpose. 




100 Men who ltd re nnnlc the 

With his clear head and vigorous intellect, Bis- 
marck saw and comprehended this fact, and the 
consequences to which it tended. He understood 
also how the power and greatness of Prussia had 
rested up to this time, and still continued to 
rest, in a great measure upon the intact monarchic 
principle, supported by the landed aristocracy and 
squireocracy. He saw, in brief, that the times had 
not yet come, and that the people were not yet 
ripe, for the rapid onward march in the path of 
political freedom which the leaders of the Liberal 
and Progressist party would urge. 

In the same way then as our own Sir Eobert 
Peel, at the beginning of his career, threw in his 
lot with the old Tory party, Bismarck made his 
first appearance on the great political stage of the 
country as an uncompromising Royalist and Feu- 
dalist. He soon made his way to the foremost 
ranks of the champions of the Royal and Con- 
servative cause. 

With the whole energy of his powerful mind he 
combated the axiom propounded by the Pro- 
gressists, that the people had an inherent right to 
constitutional liberty and representative institutions. 
The king alone, he boldly maintained, had the 
right to judge what amount of freedom might be 
bestowed upon the people out of his own generous 
bounty. He would not hear of discussing the 
February Patent, which he declared to be simply 



New German Empire. 101 

a royal act of grace that ought to be gratefully 
accepted without discussion or cavilling. 

The February revolution in France was speedily 
followed by the events of the 18th March in Berlin, 
when the Crown was for the time prostrated to the 
dust. 

On the 2nd of April, 1848, the second session of 
the United Diet was opened at Berlin, to discuss 
and vote the electoral law for the convocation of the 
first Prussian National Assembly. Bismarck took 
barely any share or part in the discussion. 

He made no attempt to obtain his nomination 
to the New National Assembly. He, with his clear 
understanding, saw how hollow and unreal the 
entire affair was. He withdrew accordingly for a 
time altogether from the political stage, devoting 
his leisure to the improvement of his Schonhausen 
estate, where he took up his residence, and to the 
consideration and study of the great political and 
social questions and problems of the times. 

He attended, however, in the summer of 1848 
the great meeting of landed proprietors and squires 
and Conservative statesmen at Berlin (the so-called 
Junker Parliament, or Cavalier Parliament), and 
remained in the capital to watch the course of 
events. He soon witnessed the easy overthrow of 
the revolution. 

Under the new constitution granted by the king 
he was elected a member of the Second Chamber,, 



102 M< H who have i/t<I<' the 



where he a^ain took up exactly the same line of 
politics In- had pursued at the session of the 
United Diet in 1847. He showed himself a most 
vigorous and eloquent antagonist of the modem 
representative system, and maintained that the last- 
ing welfare of Prussia and of Germany imperatively 
demanded a strong royal power in Prussia, and 
the cordial co-operation of Prussia with Austria in 
the regulation of the affairs of Germany. 

He absolutely condemned the ill-advised and ill- 
directed efforts of the National Parliament in Frank- 
fort-on-the-Main to create a German Empire and 
an imperial constitution, and figured among the 
strongest and most eloquent opponents of the foolish 
attempt to place the imperial crown of the new- 
fangled parliamentary empire upon the head of 
Prussia's king. He equally combated the project 
of the so-called union, which he declared to be 
simply a scheme to weaken the power of Prussia. 
The same position he maintained in the Erfurt 
Parliament in 1850. 

In the great debate of the 3rd of December, 1850, 
in the Second Prussian Chamber, Bismarck openly 
declared his fullest concurrence with Manteuffel's 
pro -Austrian policy. 

Here ends the first stage of Bismarck's political career. 

The future truth-seeking and painstaking historian 
of the life and times of Bismarck, will find it a 



Neiv German Empire. 103 

knotty point to decide whether the ostentatiously 
exuberant professions of ultra-loyalty and absolute 
royalist tendencies and pro -Austrian proclivities so 
profusely and intensely indulged in by Bismarck 
at this, the initiatory period of his political career, 
ought to be held the true echo of the man's inner 
promptings, the faithful mirror of his mind's con- 
victions at the time, or whether they were not 
perchance simply the outcomings of a ruse de guerre, 
resorted to by the future great statesman that he 
might storm the difficult outworks defending the 
citadel of high office in the state, which it clearly 
was from his earliest manhood the object of his 
ambition to enter. 

Now it has already been said that the then leaders 
of the Liberal and Progressist party in Prussia were 
men of high intellectual culture and great attain- 
ments, but certainly somew T hat idealistic and slightly 
deficient in practical sense, and wanting in direct- 
ness and clearness of purpose. 

Bismarck had witnessed the great upheaving of 
1848. He had seen the glorious chances afforded 
these said Liberal leaders to carry out their own 
professed views, and to reconstruct the somewhat 
shaken social edifice upon a brand-new plan of 
their own. He had seen the "professors" at work, 
or, more correctly speaking, at talk, in the Frank- 
fort Parliament ; he had watched that mountain in 
labour, and had seen the ridiculous, tailless mouse 



104 M'cn n'ho have wmli' the 

to which it had ^ivm birth. He had watched the 
boiling and bubbling of the revolutionary caldron 
in South- Western Germany, and he had not been 
very favourably impressed certainly with the scum 
that had arisen to the surface there, and had been 
skimmed off speedily and without much trouble by 
the old regime. 

There were, indeed, some honest, well-meaning 
patriots among the leaders of the revolution in the 
south-west of Germany ; but, unhappily, most of 
these lacked all the qualities essential to success in 
the arduous task of pulling down the worn-out and 
putting up something better in its stead. 

There were also, it is true, some really sensible 
and practical men among them, such as Joseph 
Fickler (of Constance), Karl Blind, Franz Sigel, and 
a few more. But these were somehow soon got 
rid of by their companions in the rising, or placed 
in impracticable or even impossible positions, w r here 
they could not possibly be of much use to the cause 
which they had espoused. 

Karl Blind, for instance, had been uselessly ex- 
pended at the very beginning by an idle mission 
to Paris ; and Joseph Fickler, it was strongly sus- 
pected at the time in revolutionary circles, had 
simply been betrayed by "some one' of his col- 
leagues into the hands of the Wiirtemberg police. 
Brentano's name was openly mentioned in con- 
nection with the dirty transaction. 



New German Empire. 105 

Franz Sigel, who afterwards showed in the 
American secession war that he had the real stuff 
in him, was completely overlaid and effaced by the 
Pole, Mierosluwski. Still he fought gallantly and 
with some slight success at Wiesenthal, and made 
a skilful retreat behind the Murg, and thence into 
Switzerland, after the defeat at Waghausel had de- 
stroyed the last hope of the revolution. 

With the experience of the last ten years before 
the world, there can be barely a doubt left on the 
mind of a sagacious observer of men and events 
but that Otto von Bismarck -Schonhausen had from 
the commencement of his public career made the 
unity of Germany the aim of his political strategy. 
With his cool head and vigorous intellect, how- 
ever, he had clearly discerned the formidable, nay, 
the apparently insuperable, obstacles in the path 
of the ultimate achievement of that unity. He 
had seen that the German people were not yet 
ripe for it. 

The popular mind in Germany had not realized 
then the primary and most indispensable condition 
of that unity, to wit, the political and military lead 
of Prussia. 

Bismarck saw that the Liberal leaders were not 
the men to make the people throughout the great 
Fatherland understand this first necessity. He could 
not cast in his lot then with these unpractical and 
impracticable men, who could not or would not see 



100' Mo, trim have mude 



the immense elements of force, the unlimited promise 
of success in a great national movement, which lay 
in the strength of the monarchical principle in Prussia, 
in the landed aristocracy and squireocfacy, and in 
the Prussian military system. 

So he was led to offer his services to the other 
side- -to which he belonged, moreover, naturally by 
birth and position. His ultra-royalist utterances 
at this period of his career may simply be taken 
for bids to secure an opening for himself, a first 
introduction to the charmed circle of official life 
and action ; and the somewhat exaggerated volume 
of these utterances and professions may in a mea- 
sure be looked upon as appearing to him the most 
promising means to attract the attention of the 
king and his advisers. 

His league with Gerlach and Stahl, and his 

O ' 

vigorous contributions to the columns of the great 
feudal and royalist organ, the Kreuz Zeitung, may 
be considered to have been intended to work in 
the same direction. 

Be this as it may, this much is certain, that Fre- 
derick William had his attention drawn to this 
stalwart Junker- -this doughty champion of the 
most absolute royal prerogative. The very exube- 
rance of his professions of loyalty tended perhaps to 
gain him the royal favour, as the king might well 
fancy he had before him one of those second-rate 
mediocrities whom he loved so much, as they could 



New German Empire. 107 

not offend him with a display of mental or intellec- 
tual superiority over himself. 

In May 1851, Baron Bismarck was accordingly 
named Privy Councillor of Legation, and appointed 
First Secretary to the Prussian Embassy to the German 
Confederation at Frankfort-on-the-Main. General von 
Eochow was the Prussian Ambassador at the time. 

The new First Secretary was soon perfectly an fait 
in every detail of his difficult and delicate diplomatic 
duties. Three brief months after his first appoint- 
ment, in August 1851, he was named Ambassador 
to the Confederation in the place of General von 
Kochow, recalled. 

Count Thun was at the time the Austrian Ambas- 
sador to the Confederation, and, as such, President 
of the august body. 

Bismarck, in the first three months of his pro- 
bation as First Secretary, had had abundant opportu- 
nities of witnessing the haughty arrogance of the 
Austrian President's conduct to his colleagues, more 
particularly to the Prussian Ambassador. The sturdy 
Junker was resolved not to stand any nonsense in 
this respect, such as his predecessor had submitted 
to. Principiis 6bsta is the principle upon which it 
may be said he has always acted in his public career, 
even from his earliest day up to the present time ; 
and the noble Count Thun, unfortunately for him- 
self and his own dignity, chose to put him at once 
upon his mettle. 



108 Men who have made the 

Thinking, most likely, what a good tiling it would 
be to make the new Prussian representative, at the 
very outset of his ambassadorial career, feel his rela- 
tive inferiority, he ventured to receive Bismarck upon 
his first visit of ceremony in his shirt -sleeves. The 
Saxo-Pomeranian Junker had hardly caught sight of 
the Ambassador-President in his coatless costume 
when he called out to the amazed and confused 
Count, " You are quite right, Excellency ; it is 
awfully hot here ! ' and coolly proceeded to pull his 
own coat off. Thun was completely taken aback. He 
jumped up, flung himself into his uniform, and apolo- 
gized to the Prussian for his mistake. 

o 

Bismarck took the matter in good part ; but he 
had checked for evermore Thun's inclination to take 
liberties -with his Prussian colleague, who from that 
time forward held his own in Frankfort upon a 
becoming footing of perfect equality with the Aus- 
trian. If Bismarck ever really had had the pro- 
Austrian proclivities which he had so loudly professed 
in the Prussian Chambers, he got certainly very soon 
cured of them in Frankfort, and speedily inaugurated 
a new thinly- veiled anti- Austrian policy. 

After a time Count Thun was recalled, Baron 
Prokesch-Osten succeeding him, who was again suc- 
ceeded in his turn by Count Kechberg. They all 
found the grim Prussian a tough party to deal with, 
who would never give way to them to the extent 
even of a line. And strange enough he communi- 



New German Empire. 109 

cated his anti-Austrian feelings in a measure to the 
king and cabinet whom he represented. 

One of the Austrian Archdukes visited Frankfort 
during the time Bismarck represented Prussia in the 
Confederation. Bismarck was then still a simple 
lieutenant in the Prussian Landwehr Cavalry. Still, 
several orders had been bestowed upon him by his 
grateful king even at that time. At length a review 
was held in honour of the visit of the Austrian Arch- 
duke. The Prussian Ambassador attended on horse- 
back in his Landwehr-lieutenant's uniform, with his 
orders on his breast. His Imperial Highness rode 
up to him and asked him, with polished irony and 
a courteous sneer, whether he had gained his orders 
before the enemy. " Yes," replied Bismarck, without 
an instant's hesitation, " Yes, Imperial Highness, I 
have gained them all before the enemy- -here, in 
Frankfort/' 

Then came the Eegency of Prince William, which 
gave Bismarck still freer scope for the open manifes- 
tation of his anti- Austrian convictions and feelings. 

In 1859, when the war between Austria and 
France and Italy broke out, Bismarck openly opposed 
the notion that Germany, and more especially Prussia, 
had the least interest in aiding Austria against her 
foes. He used to go ostentatiously about in Frank- 
fort arm-in-arm with Count Barral, the then Sub- 
Alpine Ambassador to the Confederation. As the 
Prince Regent, however, took a different view of 



110 Men wlio fiave made the 

the matter, it was thought expedient to bring 
Bismarck's official career at Frankfort to a close. 
He was raised to the rank of major in the Land- 
wehr Cavalry, and appointed Ambassador to the 
Court of St. Petersburg- -put by in the cold, like 
champagne, till wanted, as he humorously ex- 
pressed his transplantation from the city on the 
Main to the city on the Neva. 

It may be subject for speculation what influence 
Bismarck's bold anti-Austrian demonstration at the 
time may have exercised in 1866 upon Louis Na- 
poleon's demeanour at the commencement of the 
Germano-Prussian war. 

The new Prussian Ambassador to the Court of 
St. Petersburg handed in his credentials on his 
own forty-fourth birthday, April 1, 1859. 

During his stay in St. Petersburg he exerted him- 
self to the utmost of his ability to cement a good 
understanding and friendship between Eussia and 
Prussia. He felt that a cordial understanding with 
Russia was indispensable to the execution of the 
mighty plans and projects he was then no doubt 
already revolving in his mind. It is even a moot 
question whether his ostentatious display of anti- 
Austrian feeling at the threatened outbreak of the 
Austro-Franco-Italian war, in the face of the Prussian 
Regent's professed benevolent intentions towards 
Austria, was not a clever comedy got up between 
the ambassador and the ruler of the state repre- 



New German Empire. 1 1 1 

sented by him, to mask the true motive of his pro- 
motion to the St. Petersburg embassy. 

However this may be, Bismarck succeeded most 
fully in his object, which was not quite so easy a 
task as it might at first sight appear. The Eussian 
court and the Russian statesmen could not but be 
aware of the bitter feeling created in the heart of 
every Prussian patriot by the brutal arrogance with 
which that Asiatic despot, the late Emperor Nicholas, 
had dared to treat Prussia and Germany in the sad 
days of Warsaw and Olmutz ; and people so sharp- 
sighted as Russian statesmen are would not easily be 
led to believe that the deadly insult and injury had 
been absolutely forgiven and forgotten. Who knows 
but that the wound may even now still keep rankling 
and festering in secret, despite all that the son has 
done since to atone for the father's offence ? 

Count Brandenburg (an illegitimate scion of the 
royal house of Hohenzollern) had been sent to War- 
saw in the last days of October, 1850, to endeavour 
to gain the support of the Russian Emperor Nicholas 
in the questions of Hesse, Schleswig-Holstein, and the 
Union. The Prussian Minister had not only failed 
altogether in the object of his mission, but Nicholas 
had treated him with revolting brutality. When 
the Count ventured to plead in favour of the unhappy 
Hessians, so grievously oppressed by their wretched 
ruler and his still viler tool, Hassenpflug, the Russian 
despot rudely cut him short, " What ! ' he exclaimed, 



1 I -2 Men trfiv /</'(> ),,(/<' the 



"you prate to me aooiit the rights of man and of the 
people, and about national and international rights 
and law ! Learn, Count, that I acknowledge only one 
ri"lit and one law in this world- -the Will of the 

o 

Ruler. Subjects liave to submit and obey without 
murmuring. If they dare rebel, like these vile Hes- 
sians, they must be put down by the strong hand, 
and 1 >y G- they shall be so long as I wield power. 
My poor, chicken-hearted brother-in-law has a set of 
bandits for Ministers : the sooner he sends this Rado- 
witz and his consorts to the right-about-face the safer 
it will be for him. I will stand no nonsense, Count, I 
can tell you. You will have to give way on every 
point- -Hesse, Schleswig-Holstein, and your ridiculous 
Union. Tell your master from me, Count, that I will 
have it so." The unhappy Count, who felt but too 
acutely how the fatal weakness and vacillation of his 
king had paralyzed the power of Prussia, and how 
the only proper answer this gross insolence merited, 
alas ! could not be given then, went back to Berlin 
struck to death. On the 1st of November he reported 
to the Council the result of his mission ; then body 
and mind gave way, delirium seized upon the un- 
happy man's brain. " My helmet, quick ! my sword 
-my horse ! ' he raved. " Woe, woe ! too late ! the 
enemy is in Breslau ! Oh, my fine corps- -my gallant 
band, my unhappy fatherland ! ' A few days after, 
the broken body and crushed mind found rest in the 
tomb. But these are moments in the life of a nation 



New German Empire. 113 

which are never forgotten. It took all the blood 
spilled at Sadowa to wash away the recollection of 
Olmiitz. Will it take less to wash away the remem- 
brance of Warsaw ? Who shall tell ? 

It was from St. Petersburg that Bismarck de- 
spatched his famous letter of the 12th of May, 1859, 
to Baron Schleinitz, then Prussian Foreign Secretary, 
which saw the light of publicity some seven years 
after, when the leading idea pervading it had been 
fully carried into effect by the great statesman who 
penned it. In this letter, which was written in 
special reference to the debates and negotiations 
then in course of progress respecting the proposed 
participation of the German Confederation in the 
Italo-Franco-Austrian war, there occurs, inter alia, 
the following pregnant passage :- 

" My eight years' experience in Frankfort has led 
me to the conviction, that the present constitution 
of the German Confederation simply weighs like a 
heavy chain upon Prussia, threatening to stifle her in 
critical times without affording us Prussians the same 
compensations in return which Austria derives from 
it, who is left so much freer to move and act as she 
pleases. 

" The princes and governments of the middle and 
smaller states will not fairly apply the same measure 
to the one as to the other of the two leading powers 
in Germany. We find that the purport of the Con- 
federation and the laws of its constitution are read 

VOL. I. I 



114 Men irJio hre. ni<l<' the 

and interpreted differently, as the interests of the 
policy of Austria may require. Prussia has always 
and in all questions found herself face to face in the 
Confederation with the same compact majority against 
her wishes and interests ; she has always been invit3d 
to give way to the demands of her co-confederates. 

" The chief aim and object of the policy of the 
German princes and their ministers is to work the 
Confederation under the lead of Austria at the cost 
of Prussia, who is expected to perform the useful 
part of insuring the lesser states of the Confederation 
against the chances of an overwhelming preponder- 
ance of Austria, and to bear, with uncomplaining 
resignation and quiet submission to the wishes of 
the majority, the monstrous disproportion in which 
the duties put upon her by the Confederation stand 
to the rights graciously conceded to her share by 
that body. 

" When we find that states which could not even 
exist without our protection presume to direct our 
political movements, basing such presumption upon 
pretended rights derived from the constitution of the 
Confederation rights which, were we to admit them, 
would put an end to all autonomy of Prussian policy 
it is high time indeed for us to mind that these would- 
be leaders who so coolly invite us to follow them, 
pursue other than Prussian interests, and that the 
cause of Germany, which they profess to have at 
heart, means with them something quite different 



New German Empire. 115 

from the cause of Prussia, unless the latter power 
should be willing to commit self-effacement. 

" I see in our political connections and relations with 
the German Confederation a grievous, growing malady 
of Prussia, which, if not taken resolutely in hand in 
proper season, will have to be eradicated in the end, 
ferro et igni. It is my firm opinion that, were the 
confederation to be broken up to-day, without supply- 
ing a substitute for it, even this negative gain would 
soon place the relations of Prussia with her neighbours 
upon a much more satisfactory footing than can be 
said to be the case at present." 

The death of King Frederick William IV. (2nd 
of January, 1861), and the accession of the Prince 
Eegent William to the Prussian throne made no 
alteration in Bismarck's political position and pro- 
spects. There was the most perfect understanding 
between the ambassador and the new king, whom he 
continued about a twelvemonth longer to represent at 
St. Petersburg. 

In the spring of 1862, it was thought in the council 
of King William that the time had come for another 
indispensable preliminary move in the difficult game 
that would have to be played sooner or later. There 
was another power whose benevolent abstention 
from interference in certain contingencies it was 
of the utmost importance to secure France, to wit. 
Bismarck was the man selected to gain this most 
desirable end. 



116 Men wlto Jmrc nia 



He was accordingly recalled from St. Petersburg, 
and named ambassador to the Tuileries. 

His openly-declared friendship for France and Italy 
in 1859 had made him certainly & persona grata in 
the eyes of the Emperor Napoleon, and had thus in a 
measure prepared the way for a successful opening of 
his mission. The seductive charms of his manner and 

his wondrous power of suasion succeeded speedily in 



moulding the ruler of France to his will and wishes. 

o 

But the new ambassador did more than this : he 
looked with his sharp eyes at the wheel-work of the 
French state-machine, and he saw how thoroughly 
rotten the whole imperial system was, even at that 
time. He formed a correct estimate of the strength 
and weakness of that army w r hich the lucky chances 
of the Crimean and Italian campaigns had raised so 
high in its ow^n estimation, and in that of the French 
nation, so much given to self-glorification. 

He knew r that Roon and the king were hard at work 

o 

upon the creation of a new war machine that pro- 
mised to be of harder and tougher material, and of 

O ' 

better and more enduring temper than the French 
army of the period could boast of. 

He also saw and appreciated the great wealth and 
the immense material resources of France, and took 
them duly into account in his estimation of the 
future chances of success in the carrying out of his 
gigantic plans and projects. 

Meanwhile the king and Roon had got tired of the 



New German Empire. 117 

weak vacillation shown in the great army reorganiza- 
tion question by the Hohenlohe-Heydt administration, 
which had succeeded the Hohenzollern-Auerswald 
ministry. The king thought the time had come to 
turn the energy and ability of Ambassador Bismarck to 
proper account nearer home. So he made him Minister- 
President and Foreign Secretary- -provisionally the 
23rd of September, definitely the 9th of October, 1862. 
Here begins the third stage of Bismarck's political 
career. 

Three of the old ministers- -Roon, Lippe, and 
Mlihler (War, Justice, and Public Worship, &c.)- 
retained their offices in the new Bismarck ministry. 
Another, Itzenplitz, was transferred from the Agri- 
cultural Department to the Board of Trade, where he 
replaced Holzbrink. To the other offices new men were 
appointed, to wit- -Bodelschwingh to the Exchequer, 
Selchow to the Agricultural Department, and Eulen- 
burg to the Home Office, where he replaced Jagow. 
The last two were named only two months after- 
December the 9th, 1862. 

This was a queer team for a man like Bismarck to 
have to work with. All his colleagues, without 
exception, were Ultras. Eoon, indeed, was a man of 
brilliant attainments ; but he was a stanch Junker 
of strongly pronounced Absolutist and Feudalist 
opinions and tendencies. Still, being a man of 
kindred mind, he was to some extent open to 



118 Men iv/to Itave made the 

Bismarck's influence, and would, on important occa- 
sions, throw the weight of his vote into the president's 
scale. As Eoon personally represented in the cabinet 
the king's dominant idea, the reorganization of the 
army, his support on such occasions was of the utmost 
value to the premier, the lesser members of the 
ministry following Roon as their leader. 

Eulenburg and Itzenplitz were capable men and 
good administrators, but there was nothing very 
brilliant about them. Eulenburg, moreover, was a 
rank Mucker, with a mind almost hermetically sealed 
against the admission of larger and more liberal 
views. 

Selchow was a respectable mediocrity, who con- 
scientiously deemed it his duty to his king and his 
party to resist all attempts to leave the beaten track 
of routine and red-tapeism. 

Miihler, doubled by his wife, the redoubtable Adelheid 
of anti-nude-in-art fame, was simply objectionable in 
every respect, without a single redeeming point in or 
about him. 

Bodelschwingh, a homo novus, who had taken to 
the starkest and stiffest antediluvian Prussian Toryism, 
and Lippe, a scion of the noble house of that name, 
every member of which deems himself something like 
an avatar of Brahma, were thoroughly impracticable 
Absolutists, who hung as a dead weight upon every 
generous effort made by Bismarck to enter, however 
cautiously, upon the path of progress which he had 



New German Empire. 119 

clearly traced out for himself from the very com- 
mencement of his political career. 

It was with this set that Baron Bismarck-Schon- 
hausen had to work out his great political problems 
of the future. It was really something like Pegasus 
yoked with a thorough-bred racer, a couple of stout 
carriage-horses, a decent cart-horse, a vile screw, and 
a coup]e of unqualified mules. 

It is generally, though most erroneously, assumed 
in this country that the president of the Prussian 
ministry is also the actual leader of the cabinet, who 
necessarily imposes his own policy upon his colleagues. 
This is not so. The president of the Prussian 
ministry is simply primus inter pares, with no pre- 
ponderance whatever, except, of course, such as the 
natural ascendant of a powerful mind must always ex- 
ercise over men of lesser stamp. In fact, the actual 
position of the Prussian Prime Minister at the time, 
at least, when Bismarck took office might not in- 
aptly be illustrated by a slightly altered adaptation ad- 
dressed to him by his colleagues of the old formula of 
the oath sworn by the Aragonese nobles to their king : 
"Nosotros, que cada uno por si somos tanto como 
os, y que juntos podemos mas que os, os hacemos 
nuestro Key, contanto que guardareis nuestros fueros; 
si no, no ! ' -something to the following effect :- 
" We, each of us, severally your equals in power and 
attributes, jointly your master, will follow your lead 
so long as you will be guided by us- -but no longer." 



120 Men who have made tlie 

It may, under the circumstances, be almost deemed 
a lucky conjuncture for Bismarck and the ultimate 
success of his policy, that the fierce contest the 
ministry had to wage for years against the Progressist 
majority of the Second Chamber necessarily precluded 
all premature attempts on his part to introduce 
reforms into the inner administration of the kingdom. 
This parliamentary conflict compelled him in a 
measure to go along hand in hand with, his colleagues, 
whilst it obliged the latter also in a measure to 
submit to his guidance, as they felt that he was the 
only chief who could lead them and the crown 
represented by them to victory in the desperate 
struggle. 

The Progressist majority of the Second Chamber, 
who had already succeeded in killing two admini- 
strations, and in seriously retarding and impeding the 
progress of the king's darling plan of army reorgan- 
ization, thought they would find it an easy task to 
settle the pretensions of the Saxo-Pomeranian Junker, 
who had presumed to accept office with the deliberate 
purpose of carrying the army reorganization through, 
in the teeth of even the most determined and sustained 
opposition on their part, and although the country had 
emphatically pronounced against the project. 

On the 23rd of September, 1862, Bismarck made 
his first appearance in the house of representatives in 
his new capacity as premier. He informed the house 
briefly that, considering how the adverse vote of the 



New German Empire. 121 

house on the military expenditure for 1862 left 
no expectation that that for 1863 would meet with 
a more favourable reception by the house, the pro- 
posed budget for 1863 would be withdrawn. On 
the llth of October the House of Lords rejected all 
the amendments made by the Second Chamber in the 
budget for 1862, and adopted the original government 
proposal. 

As there \vas no prospect of settling the dispute 
with the Lower House, the session of the Diet was 
closed on the 13th of October, with a declaration 
made by the premier that the government, seeing no 
chance of an arraDgement with the house on the 
important budget question, found itself compelled to 
conduct the administration of the state even without 
having obtained the parliamentary sanction of the 
budget demanded by the constitution. 

This was the first step which showed the Progressist 
majority of the house that they had no longer to deal 
with the vacillating and feeble Hohenzollern-Auersw^ald 
and Hohenlohe-Heydt administrations. 

Bismarck was looked upon by them, and by all the 
Liberals in the land, as the very incarnation of ultra- 
royalism and Junkerdom, and was most cordially 
hated accordingly by all partisans of liberty and pro- 
gress ; and this hatred of him grew the more and 
more intense, the more clearly it became apparent to 
his opponents how much they had to dread the 
energetic will, the vigorous mind, and the powerful 



122 Men ivho have made the 

intellect of the statesman who had undertaken to see 
the crown safe through the parliamentary struggle, 
and who was evidently determined to break down all 
opposing barriers to the royal will, at least in the army 
reorganization question. 

In his own special department, the Foreign Office, 
Bismarck found himself placed in a most difficult 
position. 

There were then three principal knotty questions 
pending, to wit, the Hessian question, the Holstein 
question, and the great German question. 

The first of these three the Hessian question 
had been pending long years before the Confedera- 
tion, without the remotest chance, apparently, of a 
satisfactory settlement. The Elector did meanwhile 
exactly as he listed, and the unhappy states of the 
electorate had to submit in silence to all the whims 

i 

and vagaries of their wretched, ruler. 

Bismarck initiated his foreign policy by an earnest 
invitation addressed to the Elector of Hesse to grant 
the just demands of the states ; and the Elector and 
his advisers, who happened to know Bismarck's 
nature, through their former Frankfort experience of 
him, deemed it the wiser course to give way at once, 
and entered without further delay upon the settle- 
ment of the long-pending question. 

Prussia had just then concluded a treaty of com- 
merce with France, both for herself and for the 
Customs Union, and Austria had of course at once 



New German Empire. 123 

set about exciting the opposition of the smaller states 
of the Customs Union against this proceeding on 
Prussia's part. Austria had also, without consulting 
Prussia, proposed to the Confederation the creation of 
a species of representative assembly at Frankfort, con- 
sisting of delegates from the several diets in Germany. 
The success of this project, it was expected, would 
enable Austria to ride roughshod over Prussia. 

Now, Bismarck's first great purpose was, as we 
have seen from his letter to Schleinitz, to free Prussia 
completely from the trammels put upon her by her 
connection and relations with the German Confedera- 
tion. He was determined to effect a reform in the 
constitution of the bund which would give to each 
individual state exactly the amount of influence to 
which its actual importance might entitle it, and 

no more. 

The anti-Prussian Austrian intrigues led to a 
sharp remonstrance on the part of Prussia. With 
his habitual frankness and directness of purpose, 
Bismarck invited the Austrian ambassador, Count 
Karolyi, to discuss the several questions in dispute in 
confidential conference with him. Several confer- 
ences of this nature took place between the two 
statesmen at Berlin in December, 1862. 

Bismarck declared at the outset, that it was abso- 
lutely impossible the relations between Austria and 
Prussia could be permitted to remain on the present 
unsatisfactory footing. Either they must grow more 



1:24 Men who hare w/r flic 



friendly, lie said, or the reverse. It was Prussia's 
ardent wish, he added, that Austria should elect the 
former alternative. Austria might choose either to 
continue her present anti-Prussian policy, leaning upon 
a coalition of the lesser German kings and princes, or 
to form a sincere and honest alliance with Prussia. 

If she chose the latter, it was of course expected 
that she would renounce henceforth her anti- Prussian 
intrigues and agitations at the German courts. It 
was also indispensable that she should admit Prussia 
to an equal share in the conduct of the affairs of the 
German Confederation. 

It was on this occasion that Bismarck pointed out 
to Count Karolyi how much better it would be for 

Austria were she to transfer her centre of gravitv to 

/ 

Pesth, instead of seeking to plant it in the German 
Confederation, to the exclusion of all legitimate 
Prussian influence. 

Bismarck told the count also, in the plainest 
terms, that any attempt to stretch the competence of 
the Confederation by majority resolutions, such as 
were clearly contemplated in the Austrian project of 
a representative assembly at Frankfort of delegates 
from the several diets in Germany, would be held by 
Prussia to be a breach of the federal compact, and 
would be treated accordingly. The Prussian premier 
warned Austria also not to indulge in vain illusions 
of the certainty of Prussian aid in any war she might 
deem fit to engage in. 



New German Empire. 125 

These leading points of Bismarck's confidential 
conference with Count Karolyi were brought to public 
notice in the Prussian premier's circular despatch of 
January 24, 1863. 

It will be seen that, from the very commence- 
ment, Bismarck placed thus before Austria the alter- 
native of a fair and honourable understanding with 
Prussia, or a war sooner or later with that power. 

The confidential conferences with Count Karolyi 
had no result. The Austrian emperor and his ad- 
visers could not make up their minds to treat with 
Prussia on a footing of perfect equality. The easy 
victory of Olmutz had apparently dazzled them to 
such an extent as to blind them to the actual power 
and resources of Prussia. All that Bismarck ob- 
tained in this first attempt to come to an amicable 
understanding with Austria was that the delegates 
project was thrown out at the sitting of the Con- 
federation of the 22nd of January, 1863. The 
Austrian cabinet, however, though a consenting 
party at the time to the defeat of the project, re- 
served for itself the right to renew the proposal 
at a more fitting time. 

It was about this time that the Polish insurrec- 
tion afforded Bismarck a fine opportunity of giving 
Russia proof of Prussia's friendly feelings towards 
that power. This drawing nearer to Russia was 
Bismarck's reply to Austria's continued anti-Prussian 
proceedings. 



126 Men ivlio liare made the 

On the 14th of January, 1863, the new session of 
the Diet was opened. The budget for 1863 was again 
placed before the house, together with a law supplying 
a legal foundation to the reorganization of the army 
effected by the king and his government. 

The majority of the house voted an address to 
the king, in which it was set forth how ministers had 
grossly violated the constitution in the budget ques- 
tion. In the debates upon this address Bismarck 
urged the majority, in the common interest of all 
parties, to consent to an amicable compromise. He 
said both parties believed themselves to be in the 
right the government as well as the majority of the 
house. If that majority, then, should persist in its 
unyielding opposition to the government, the final 
result would be, that the factor who possessed the 
power would solve the question in his sense. This, 
which truly was a simple statement of a plain fact, 
was tortured afterwards into the famous profession 
of political faith imputed to Bismarck, that might 
is right. 

The parliamentary conflict continued to rage fiercely. 
It reached its climax on the 22nd of May, 1863, 
when the hat for the second time played an im- 
portant part in the modern history of Prussia. In 
1848, King Frederick William IV. had been com- 
pelled by the victorious people to take off his hat. 
On the 22nd of May, 1863, Bockum-Dolffs, one of 
the vice-presidents of the house, who occupied the 



New German Empire. 127 

speaker's chair on that day, put on his hat with a 
vague view to bring Eoon to obedience thereby, 
who denied the speaker's disciplinary authority over 
ministers. 

The lamentable failure of the attempt led to a 
second address of the majority of the house to the 
king. The majority declared in this address, that the 
house must decline all further co-operation in the 
policy of the ministers, and must demand a thorough 
change of persons and of the entire system hitherto 
pursued by the king and government. 

The king's answer to this demand was the closing 
of the session of the Diet on the 27th of May, 1863, 
when the discussion on the budget had not yet 
come to an end. 

This proceeding created intense agitation in all 
liberal circles throughout the land, and curses both 
loud and deep greeted every mention of Bismarck's 
name. The royal ordinance on the press of the 1st of 
June, 1863, was intended to deprive the agitation of 
the free use of one of its most formidable weapons. 

Meanwhile Austria had not been idle. She had, on 
the contrary, cleverly taken advantage of the internal 
complications in Prussia to secure for herself abso- 
lute preponderance in Germany. Having come to a 
friendly understanding with the western powers upon 
the Polish question, the Emperor Francis Joseph in- 
vited the princes of Germany to meet him at Frank- 
fort- on -the-Main on the 16th of August, 1863, to 



128 Men trliO //a re ni<l<' the 

discuss a project of reform of the Confederation pro- 
posed by Austria. 

This project of reform had not been submitted 
previously to Prussia. The Austrian scheme simply 
was, to subject Prussia to the sway of the German 
Confederation, which was merely an instrument in 
the hands of Austria. Acting under the advice of 
Bismarck, King William firmly declined to go to 
Frankfort, and his absence made the meeting of 
German princes there look very much like the 
cast of " Harnlet ' with the principal character left 
out. The famous Austrian reform project was, in- 
deed, adopted in the main by the other princes, but 
it was never after mentioned again. 

The relations between Austria and Prussia were 
becoming more and more difficult every day, when an 
important political event suddenly altered the face of 
affairs, for a time at least. 

On the 15th of November, 1863, King Frederick 
VII. of Denmark died. As his successor on the 
Danish throne, King Christian IX., stubbornly re- 
fused to obey the high behests of the mighty German 
Confederation in the affair of the Duchy of Holstein, 
the Confederation resolved to occupy the duchy 
militarily, to enforce obedience to its commands. 

Hanover and Saxony were charged with the ex- 
ecution of the decree : Saxon and Hanoverian troops 
accordingly took possession of Holstein. As King 
Christian persisted in his recalcitrance, Bismarck, 



Neiv German Empire. 129 

with admirable diplomatic skill, actually succeeded in 
inducing Austria to join Prussia in a war against 
Denmark, thus dealing at the same time a heavy 
blow to the pride of the lesser kings and princes of 
the German Confederation, who were simply invited 
after to join in the war if they so listed. They, how- 
ever, sulkily declined. 

On the 1st of February, 1864, the combined 
Austrian and Prussian forces crossed the Eider. The 
two great powers having embarked in the war un- 
aided by the Confederation, declared their resolution 
to exclude that body from all participation in the 
final settlement, whilst the Confederation, under the 
leadership principally of Beust, presumed to dictate 
to both great powers the policy they were to pursue 
in the duchies, and to claim the fruit of the victory 
for the Confederation, insisting that the two duchies 
(Schleswig and Holstein) should be erected into an 
independent confederate state under the rule of the 
hereditary Prince Frederick of Augustenburg. 

These ludicrous attempts at interference troubled 
Bismarck very little indeed. He continued to pursue 
the even tenor of his way both at home and abroad. 
He had particularly at heart the politico-economical 
and commercial interests of Prussia and Germany. 
With wondrous skill he succeeded in 1864, in the 
teeth of the strongest and most persistent opposition, 
in concluding a new treaty of union of customs with 
the states that had belonged to the old union, and 

VOL. I. K 



130 Men <rj/o hart- i/nute t 



e 



in following this up the year after by a new treaty 
of commerce with Austria. 

The Danish war had meanwhile been brought to 
a successful issue, the peace of Vienna, concluded on 
the 30th of October, 1864, having handed over the 
duchies of Schleswig-Holstein and Lauenburg to 
Austria and Prussia jointly. 

The struggle between crown and parliament in 
Prussia had continued meanwhile with unabated 
acerbity. Several sessions of the Diet had passed 
without bringing about a satisfactory arrangement of 
the burning military and budget question. At every 
fresh session Bismarck met with the same determined 
opposition on the part of the Lower House. 

The new parliament, which had been opened on 
November 9, 1863, opposed the government policy in 
the Danish question, and even refused, January 23, 
1864, a war loan of about 2,000,000/., besides 
rejecting, as usual, the military reorganization 
law and the military expenditure in the bud- 
get. However, the then sheet-anchor of Bismarck's 
hopes, the Upper House, cheerfully voted all the 
ministry demanded, and so the session of the Diet was 
closed with a stinging speech most stingingly de- 
livered by the prime minister, which certainly did 
not serve to lessen the intense hatred of the Liberals 
against him. 

He, however, continued his work undismayed. 
He soon found himself again face to face with a new 



New German Empire. 131 

difficulty with Prussia's "faithful 5 all} 7 -, Austria. 
Bismarck naturally endeavoured to turn the great 
Danish victory and conquest to the best account for 
Prussia, more especially in the way of providing 
that country with a war fleet. Austria, on her part 
as naturally perhaps, could not see the desirableness 
of this, and opposed the Prussian plan tooth and nail. 
She was even mean enough to join the lesser kings 
and princes of the Confederation in their support 
of the pretensions of Prince Frederick of Augusten- 
burg, who was then holding his court at Kiel. 

Bismarck, with rapid decision, made a move 
forward to bring the matter to a speedy issue, 
In a despatch sent on the 22nd of February, 1865, 
to Baron Werther, the Prussian ambassador to the 
Austrian court at Vienna, he laid down categorically 
the conditions on which Prussia would consent to 
admit the Augustenburg candidature to the pro- 
jected new Schleswig-Holstein throne. The principal 
of these conditions was, the closest connection of the 
new duchy with Prussia. Of course neither Austria 
nor the similar confederate states could stomach 
this ; so they did their best to encourage Augusten- 
burg in his refusal to submit to the Prussian con- 
ditions. 

By this time the reorganization of the Prussian 
army was completed, and the Danish war had afforded 
the men who had carried it out, in the teeth of every 
obstacle which the most formidable opposition could 

K 2 



132 J/CH. who lirc made the 



possibly raise against its success, a first opportunity of 
showing how brilliantly it had succeeded. Bismarck 
had then no longer the least hesitation to enforce his 

o 

will, even by the strong hand if it must be so. As 
August cubing, in his foolish conceit and futile 

O O' 

reliance upon Austrian and German support, persisted 
in his refusal to consent to the Prussian demands, 
Bismarck quietly dropped the pretender altogether, 
and shaped his course of policy towards securing the 
direct and absolute incorporation of the duchies in 
the Prussian kingdom. 

As early as December, 1864, he succeeded in 
inducing the Confederation to admit that the peace 
of Vienna had removed the motive of the occupation 
of Holstein by German troops, and to order accord- 
ingly the withdrawal of the Saxons and Hanoverians 
from the duchy. 

Austria, however, continued to intrigue might and 
main against Prussia, more particularly at the 
Augustenburg pretender's little court at Kiel. 
Bismarck protested sharply and energetically, and 
for a time matters assumed a most threatening aspect. 
However, Austria did not see her way clear yet to an 
open breach with Prussia, and she wanted a little 
money very badly, so Bismarck succeeded in settling 
the affair for the nonce amicably by the Convention of 
Gastein of the 14th of August, 1865, by which Lauen- 
burg was ceded absolutely to Prussia for a certain 
sum in hard cash, whilst Holstein was left in the 



New German Empire. 133 

exclusive occupation of Austria, and Sclileswig in the 
exclusive occupation of Prussia. 

The great services rendered by Bismarck to his 
king and his country received the king's grateful 
recognition. The order of the Black Eagle was 
bestowed upon the premier, and on the 28th of 
September, 1865, the day of taking possession of 
Lauenburg, Baron Bismarck was made a count, and 
appointed at the same time minister of the duchy of 
Lauenburg. 

The new session of the Prussian Diet had opened 
on the 1 4th of January, and been closed again on the 
17th of June, 1865. It had passed away, like its pre- 
decessors, without leading to the least approach of an 
arrangement of the army question. The commercial 
policy of the government alone had received its 
warmest approbation. 

The ink had barely dried on the Gastein Conven- 
tion, when the Austrian government renewed its 
anti-Prussian intrigues and machinations in the 
duchies and at the Frankfort Diet with redoubled 
vigour. The Austrian governor in Holstein, more 
particularly, acting of course upon the instructions of 
the Vienna cabinet, favoured more and more openly 
the pretensions of Prince Frederick of Augustenburg 
and the most hostile demonstrations of the democratic 
party against Prussia. He went even so far as to 



afford his high protection to a great popular meeting 
held at Altona on the 23rd of January, 1866, which 



134 Men who bare made the 

all but proclaimed the Augustenburg pretender Duke 
of Schleswig-Holstein, and indulged in the grossest 
insults to Prussia. 

This led to a formidable paper war between the two 
great powers. In his despatch of the 26th of January, 
1866, three days after the Altona meeting, Bismarck 
complained bitterly of the conduct of the imperial 
government. He accused the Vienna cabinet of 
wittingly permitting Holstein to be made the centre 
of the anti-Prussian intrigues and agitations of the 
South German democrats, and of fomenting the old 
hatred and ill-feeling against Prussia ; and he 
demanded that the Austrian governor in Holstein 
should at once be instructed to put an end to the 
aggressive manifestations of the Augustenburg party, 
and to the gross insults heaped upon Prussia by the 
aiders and abettors of the pretender. He hinted, in 
the plainest terms, that a denial on the part of the 
Vienna cabinet to do Prussia full justice in the 
matter would be regarded by the Berlin cabinet as 
an avowal that Austria wished to drop all friendly 
co-operation with Prussia. 

Instead of disavowing the Austrian governor in 
Holstein, as Prussia demanded, the Vienna cabinet 
coolly declared that Prussia had no business to 
interfere in any way with a "measure of internal 
administration ' in Holstein (note of February 7, 
1866). Considering that in the very terms of the 
Gastein Convention Prussia retained just as much 



New German Empire. 135 

right in both duchies as Austria, this was certainly 
cool on the part of the Vienna statesmen. Bismarck 
did not reply to this note. 

The Austrian government took this silence for a 
sign that the Berlin cabinet had given up all hope of 
obtaining redress by diplomatic means, and began 
accordingly to initiate measures of warlike prepara- 
tions. A council of war was held at Vienna, which 
was attended by the commanders of the several army 
corps, and a great number of other distinguished 
Austrian officers, including Benedek, the Archduke 
Albrecht, Ramming, Clam-Gallas, Festetics, Edelsheim, 
Legeditsch, and others. 

Meanwhile the Austrian governor of Holstein had 
made another step forward in his anti-Prussian 
manifestations. Seventeen members of the Holstein 
nobility had signed an address to the King of Prussia 
in favour of the annexation of the Elbe duchies to 
Prussia : the Austrian governor threatened to have 
them prosecuted for this " most illegal proceeding ' 
on their part, which of course could only tend to 
envenom the quarrel. Indeed, by the end of March, 
1866, there remained very little rational hope of a 
peaceful solution of the difficulty. 

It must be conceded, as a tribute to justice, that 
Austria was not wholly to blame in the matter. She 
was placed in a very peculiar position. To her it 
could not be a matter of indifference that Prussia 
should acquire a large accession of territory, with all 



136 Mat ivho have made the 

the finest opportunities attached of a considerable 
naval development, whilst she herself should come 
empty-handed out of the struggle in which she had 
taken an important share. It is very true that 
Bismarck had done his best to devise an equivalent 
compensation for Austria ; he had, in fact, cast his 
eyes upon the Danubian principalities, which would 
have answered the purpose excellently well. 

Unfortunately, Austria dreaded serious European 
complications, w r hich might lead to a gigantic war, 
were she to try to annex Moldavia and Wallachia to 
her dominions. It may well be questioned now 
whether she would not have done better after all to 
trust to the formidable power which she, united with 
Germany and Prussia, could have opposed to even a 
hostile European coalition, and to seek and take her 
compensation for her share in Schleswig-Holstein on 
the Danube. 

There can be no doubt that, with the Danubian 
principalities in the hands of a first-rate military 
power like Austria, there would be an end, for a very 
long time to come at least, of Kussia's ambitious 
dream of the conquest of Turkey in Europe -a con- 
sideration certainly of some weight with the western 
powers. Nay, it may even be taken for granted, that 
Louis Napoleon at the time would gladly have con- 
sented to the incorporation of the Danubian principali- 
ties in the Austrian empire, in exchange for the 
cession of Venice to Italy ; and the majority of sensible 



New German Empire. 137 

Austrian statesmen had even then already arrived at 
the full conviction that the retention of Venice by 
Austria had become an obj ect of rather doubtful utility. 

The Danubian principalities would have afforded 
more than ample compensation to Austria both for the 
loss of Venetia and for her share in the Elbe duchies. 
England would certainly have offered no opposition to 
the scheme, and Eussia alone would hardly have 
ventured to face a European coalition, but would 
have quietly submitted to the inevitable. 

But the Vienna cabinet could not be induced to see 
the matter in this light ; so the Danubian compensa- 
tion project came to naught ; and. Bismarck, who had 
prepared everything in the principalities in anticipa- 
tion of Austria's acceptance, had to fall back upon 
Prince Charles of Hohenzollern, whom he got subse- 
quently elected Prince of Koumania, by plebiscite of 
the 20th of April, 1866. 

As the cession to Austria of the principality of 
Glatz and some other portions of Silesia, which had 
been remotely hinted at by the Vienna cabinet, was 
utterly repudiated by Bismarck and King William, 
and as the mediatization of some of the middle and 
lesser states of Germany- -the only other feasible pro- 
ject of territorial compensation- -seemed to present 
then peculiar difficulties which Austria would not 
like to face, there remained only the project of a 
repetition of the Lauenburg transaction of the year 
before. This, however, found an insurmountable 



138 Men who have made the 

barrier in the Austrian people, who indignantly 

declared their disgust with the notion of a great 
empire trafficking away land and souls for money. 

By the end of March, then, it had become clearly 
apparent to all people with proper discernment in 
them, that the Gordian knot would have to be cut by 
the sword, and both powers prepared seriously for 
the final appeal to the great arbitrament of war. 

It was of course of the utmost importance for 
Prussia to know which of the other German powers 
would stand by her in the quarrel, and which by 
Austria. Bismarck was quite aware that the four 
kings Saxony, Hanover, Bavaria, and Wlirtemberg 
-the two Hesses, and Nassau, would throw their 
weight into the Austrian scale. Baden, with the 

^^ 

friendliest disposition towards Prussia, would be 
forced by her geographical position to join the Anti- 
Prussian League. The two Mecklenburgs, Olden- 
burg, the Anhaltine and the Thuringian duchies, and 
the Hanse towns and Brunswick, perhaps, might be 
counted on the Prussian side. 

Bismarck wanted certainty on this important 
point ; so he addressed, on the 24th of March, 1866, a 
circular despatch to the several governments of the 
German Confederation, asking them bluntly which 
side they intended to espouse in the event of a war 
between Austria and Prussia. 

The same despatch contained also an intimation 
that Prussia had resolved to moot the great question 



New German Empire. 139 

of confederative reform. Accordingly, on the 9th 

O / J 

of April, the Prussian ambassador to the Frank- 
fort Diet presented to that august body a Prussian 
proposal to abandon the vain pursuit of an unattain- 
able agreement between the confederate governments, 
which had always lacked the compensating and 
impelling force of the national spirit and will, and to 
substitute instead the co-operation in the great and 
indispensable work of reform of a general German 
assembly of men elected ad hoc by the German 
people. 

This liberal proposal brought matters nearly to a 
crisis. A commission was indeed named to examine 
the proposal, but the representatives of the lesser 
governments declared the time to be inopportune for 
the proposed reform. A frank reply to Bismarck's 
question, which side the other German powers were 
likely to espouse in the event of a war between 
Austria and Prussia, was cleverly evaded by referring 
the Prussian minister to Article 11 of the Federal 
Pact, prohibiting war between members of the Con- 
federation. 

Austria now began to arm in earnest. Vast masses 
of Austrian troops were collected on the Bohemia- 
Silesian frontier, and also about Leitmeritz, and all 
along the Bohemia- Saxon frontier, securing thus for 
Austria the possession of the south side of the 
Erzgebirge, a most important strategical position in 
the event of war between the two powers. 



140 Mm who have made the 

Bismarck had meanwhile been much hampered in 

all his steps and measures by the rancorous hostility 

of the Second Chamber of the Prussian Diet. Tin- 

new session had been opened on the 15th of 

January, 1866. The majority showed from the very 

first day of the new session that they were fully 

determined to thwart the ministry systematically in 

all its proposed and projected measures. The leaders 

of the majority felt fully convinced in their own 

minds that, in the face of the determined opposition 

of the house, Bismarck would find himself absolutely 

unable to carry out the programme of his foreign 

policy, and would thus be ultimately driven from 

power. This was certainly neither patriotic nor 

rational ; but then parties will but too often sacrifice 

reason, sense, patriotism, and even common honesty 

to their party prejudices. 

As there was no chance of arriving at an amicable 

o 

agreement with this systematic opposition, the Prus- 
sian ministry, who felt the absolute necessity of 
freedom of action, closed the session on the 23rd of 
February, continuing thus to govern without a legally 
and constitutionally voted budget. The quarrel 
between the government and the hostile majority of 
the house was still more envenomed by a decision of 
the Supreme Tribunal, which made members of parlia- 
ment responsible and amenable to the law for speeches 
delivered by them in parliament, in clear and open 
contravention of Article 84 of the constitution. 



New German Empire, 141 

But although the exasperation of the men of the 
parliamentary majority against Bismarck rose now 
to the highest pitch, a great many Liberals in the 
country were beginning to reflect seriously upon the 
wisdom or otherwise of the parliamentary tactics 
hitherto pursued. They felt compelled to admit that 
Bismarck had achieved great and patriotic measures. 
His foreign policy had raised the country out of the 
hopeless slough of despond and utter prostration into 
which the incompetence, pusillanimity, and vacillation 
of former governments had plunged it. His success- 
ful commercial policy had raised the land to a high 
state of material prosperity. His proceedings in the 
great German reform question were conceived upon 
the most liberal principles. Altogether the man had 
not shown himself in his ministerial career the rank 
absolutist and feudalist he had been believed to be, 
and there had been many indications of decided anti- 
clerical and anti-orthodox leanings. 

The Danish war and its results had also opened the 
eyes of many sensible Liberals to the real meaning 
and purport of the king's army re-organization plan : 
they began to perceive that, but for this re-organiza- 
tion of the army, so virulently opposed by the Liberal 
party in parliament, there would have been but scant 
chance of the Danish successes, and there would be 
now but little hope of a successful resistance to 
Austrian arrogance and dictation. 

These opinions made their way slowly but surely 



/if i re made tJte 



in many Liberal circles, and Bismarck and his king 
began to be looked upon with much less blind pre- 
judice than formerly. 

Prussia had not yet taken even the preliminary 
steps to a mobilisation of her army. She had a right, 
then, to remonstrate with Austria upon the massing 
of troops on her frontiers. Bismarck sent a note to 
this effect to the Vienna cabinet, which replied on 
the 26th of April by demanding the installation of 
Prince Frederick of Augustenburg as Duke of Schles- 
wig-Holstein, without offering Prussia the least tan- 
gible concession or compensation in return. She 
ordered, however, the withdrawal of her forces from 
the Bohemia- Silesian frontier. Under these circum- 
stances Prussia could no longer delay the mobilisation 
of her army. 

Now, although, as just now stated, many Liberals 
were beginning to have faith in Bismarck and in his 
policy, yet the vast majority continued hostile, and 
took every imaginable step to impede the warlike 
measures and preparations of government. The city 
of Berlin sent a deputation to the king, to urge the 
strongest possible protest on their part against a war 
with Austria. Many other cities and corporations 
followed the example set them by the capital. 

But it was not only with the hostility of the Liberal 
party that Bismarck had to struggle in his efforts to 
carry out his truly patriotic policy. He met also with 
determined opposition in the bosom of his own 



New German Empire. 143 

cabinet ; the finance minister, Bodelschwingh, more 
especially deprecating war with the great Austrian 
empire. 

Queen Elizabeth also worked her hardest against 
the great minister, whom she had instinctively dis- 
liked from the beginning. It was through her and 
her sister, the Queen of Saxony, that Beust was led 
to take up an uncompromisingly hostile position 
against Prussia in the Frankfort Diet, and that 
Austria was encouraged to refuse to make the least 
concession to Prussia. Austria was, indeed, misled by 
the unpatriotic ultra-orthodox and feudalist clique in 
Berlin to believe in the possibility of a second 
Olmiitz. Bismarck cared little for this multitudinous 
host of foes ; he was prepared for all of them. 

In the beginning of May, Austria proposed to refer 
the question of the duchies to the arbitration of the 
German Confederation. This cool proposal was firmly 
declined by Bismarck, who declared that the peace of 
Vienna had given the duchies absolutely and uncon- 
ditionally to Austria and Prussia, and that no other 
German power, singly or jointly, could claim the 
slightest competence in the matter. If Austria would 
consent, Prussia was ready and willing to treat with 
her, but with her alone, honestly and seriously, about 
the best way of settling the question between them. 
On the 1st of June, Austria, disregarding Prussia's 
solemn protest against the proceeding, referred the 
decision of the affair to the Frankfort Diet. 



144 Men who /tare made the 

On the 7th of May, Ferdinand Cohen, a young 
political enthusiast, who honestly believed Bismarck 
the greatest foe to freedom, and the most formidable 
obstacle to the ultimate union of the great Father- 
land, made an unsuccessful attempt upon the great 
minister's life at Berlin. This attempt absolutely 
served to convert many stanch antagonists of Bis- 
marck into friends and supporters of the minister. 
These men felt how indispensable Bismarck was to 
the state and to the nation in these critical times. 

Public opinion veered round more than half, and 
the number of Liberal sympathisers with the man 
who had been so long the bugbear of the Liberal and 
Unionist party in Germany, henceforth went on in- 
creasing with astonishing rapidity. Indeed, many 
thoughtful men had, as early as 1863, perceived the 
real tendency of Bismarck's mind, and had com- 
prehended his true political faith. 

A little anecdote anent this subject may be 
permitted to find a place here. In the year 1864 
there was a large society, principally of Eoumanians, 
assembled in one of the leading saloons of Jassy. 
Prince George Sturdza, one of the Roumanian aris- 
tocracy present, was fiercely denouncing Bismarck 
and his policy, and predicting his downfall before the 
end of the year, when the Kussian Prince Obolenski 
replied to him very quietly, " I'll lay you 200 duca.ts 
that Bismarck will in ten years from this, if he 
lives, be the most popular man in Germany and the 



New German Empire. 145 

greatest statesman in Europe." The bet was taken 
and booked. On the 25th of November, 1871, when 
it wanted still three years to the date of the decision, 
Prince Obolenski passed through Jassy. He had 
barely taken up his quarters at the Hotel Gerbel, 
when a servant of Prince Sturdza presented himself 
to him with a purse of 200 ducats, and the following 
short note :--" Prince, you have won your wager. 
Bismarck is indeed not only Germany's, but Europe's 
greatest statesman. Please receive the amount of 
our wager." Prince Obolenski forwarded the 200 
ducats to Bismarck for distribution among necessi- 
tous widows and orphans. 

On the 9th of May the Prussian Diet was dissolved; 
the primary elections of the electors were ordered 
to take place on the 28th of June, the actual 
election of the members of the new chamber on the 
3rd of July. 

On the 14th of June, 1866, the German Diet at 
Frankfort resolved, upon Austria's motion, by the 
barest majority, constituted, moreover, by an un- 
authorized vote (that of the Schaumburg-Lippe 
representative, Victor von Strauss), and in gross 
violation of all proper forms of proceeding prescribed 
by the federal pact, to put an army into the field 
against Prussia. The Prussian ambassador thereupon 
declared at once that Prussia considered this resolu- 
tion as a breach of the federal pact, and looked upon 
the pact r.s dissolved and at an end ipso facto. He 

VOL. I. 



146 Men who have made the 

added, that the King of Prussia, though thus declar- 
ing the federal pact to be at an end, did not mean to 
include at the same time the national foundations of 
the federal constitution, but would, on the contrary, 
firmly adhere to those foundations, and to the unity 
of the nation, which stood high above all mere 
perishable forms. He would, accordingly, at once 
place before the representatives of the several states 
the outlines of a new project of union. This im- 
portant document, which bore date the 10th of June, 
1866, was simply an amplification of the Prussian pro- 
posal of the 9th of April, with this most important 
modification, however, that it contemplated the for- 
mation of a new federal union of the German states, 
ivith the exclusion of Austria. 

The nearer the time was drawing for the final 
decision of the momentous question of peace or war, 
the fiercer and the more factious grew the opposition 
of the great majority of the Liberal party in Prussia 
to the king's government, and more specifically to 
the man at the head of it- -Bismarck. 

But it was not alone the bitter hostility of the 
Liberals that the Prussian premier had to encounter 
at this most critical juncture : he found also arrayed 
against him and his policy the occult influence of the 
Dowager Queen Elizabeth, supported by a powerful 
party at court and by a large section of the feudalists 
and pietists. Nay, in his own cabinet some of his 
colleagues pronounced openly against a war with 



New German Empire. 147 

Austria, whilst others gave him only a hesitating, 
half-hearted, lukewarm support. Bodelschwingh, who 
held the important portfolio of the finances, went so 
far in his blind enmity to his chief, and to the policy 
represented by the latter, as to declare that there 
was not a thaler in the state treasury to provide for 
war expenses, though he knew full well at the time 
that there was a little nest-egg lying there of some- 
thing like three million pounds sterling immediately 
available for the purpose, and that the state could 
freely dispose, moreover, of the large resources that 
would accrue to it from the sale of the Cologne and 
Minden Railway line. 

The Crown Prince of Prussia also, who, though a 
born commander in the field, and a second Frederick, 
has always shrunk from the horrors of war, exerted 
his influence warmly in favour of the preservation of 
peace. Moreover, his royal highness, a man strongly 
imbued with the liberal and progressist spirit of the 
times, and of much broader and larger views, political, 
social, and religious, than his father, felt disposed 
at the time to look upon Bismarck as the champion 
of obsolete, absolutist, and feudalist ideas. The great 
minister had not then had time and opportunity 
given him to reveal to the world his true nature. 

A war with the coalesced forces of Austria and 
Germany seemed also to his royal highness a rash 
undertaking; at the time, and the prince dreaded the 
result of a miscalculation of chances. So it came to 

L 2 



148 Men icho hare mwl<' the 

puss that the relations between his royal highness 
and the premier were somewhat strained. 

Now, upon the slender substratum of this slight 
fact the sensation-mongers raised a stupendous super- 
structure of violent scenes between Bismarck and 
the prince in presence of the monarch. It was said 
the prince had roundly declared that he would never 
be a party to a war with Austria, and would oppose 
its outbreak to the utmost extent of his power and 
ability ; and that he had taunted Bismarck with 
wanting to u ape Richelieu/' whereupon the minister, 
stung to the quick, had advised the king to send 
his son to the fortress of Spandau to teach him better 
manners and proper submission to the will of his 
father and king! a pretty little story which only 
lacked the trifling element of truth to make it really 
interesting, but which at the time was religiously 
believed for all that. The name even of the Crown 
Princess, our own Princess Royal, was dragged in, the 
august lady, it was averred, having been " brutally 
threatened' by Bismarck. 

Even to the present day this fiction is kept alive 
by certain professional purveyors of news for an eager 
public. For instance, the Berlin correspondent of a 
leading London paper, who clearly cannot forgive 
Bismarck his anti-Ultramontane proceedings, and who 
some time ago coolly imputed to the chancellor of 
the German empire such revolting brutality of 
manner that every one of his colleagues in the 



New German Empire. 149 

cabinet with a spark of self-respect in him had 
been compelled to resign his office and position in 
the ministry, took advantage of the funeral of the 
late Queen Dowager Elizabeth to tell the readers of 
his paper that " when the Crown Prince passed out 
of the church, leading the mourners, Prince Bismarck 
bowed low and gravely, and, as it appeared to me, 
not without a degree of irony ' -(whatever that may 
mean) " which they who understand the relation 
of the chancellor to his royal highness and family 
will easily comprehend/' Of course "family' can 
here only refer to the Crown Princess. 

The same veracious chronicler of events informs 
us also, that " the Crown Prince conducted himself 
with dignity, as he always does on state occasions, " 
which looks almost like a covert insinuation that on 
other than state occasions his imperial and royal 
highness does not invariably conduct himself with 
becoming dignity. Now, as this sharp-sighted gen- 
tleman who can detect " a degree of irony ; in a 
bow, is so deep in the intimacy of these august and 
high personages as to know all about the private 
relations of friendship or otherwise existing between 
them, one would imagine that he should at least be 
equally well informed on the subject of their public 
relations. When, then, we find him, in the same 
letter, talking of the Grand Duke of Baden as 
" brother-in-law of the emperor," and of " burly 
King George of Saxony," we may well be excused 



lf)0 



if we venture to doubt the general accuracy of the 
information vouchsafed to us. 

Being on this theme, it may not be deemed alto- 
gether out of place here to call to mind the startling 
announcement of Bismarck's impending death, which 
the special correspondent of another London paper 
wired to his employers from Berlin on the 18th of 
September, 1866. When the Prussian premier was 
found, two days after this announcement, to take his 
part in the triumphal entry of the army into Berlin, 
looking certainly as stalwart as ever on his magni- 
ficent charger, albeit a little pale and fatigued, the 
same correspondent marvelled much at the almost 
superhuman power of will which alone could have 
enabled the " dying man : to be present at the 
ceremony on horseback, and gave a most graphic 
description of how poor Bismarck had looked the 
very image of death on the occasion. 

A short time after, when the obstinate minister 
still persisted in living on, in the very teeth of the 
" well-informed ' correspondent's confident prediction 
of his imminent death, the special got so angry that 
he actually deftly managed to look inside Bismarck's 
head, where he found the veins most dangerously 
congested. If this were not actually a fact, it would 
certainly read like a very absurd invention. 

The present Berlin correspondent of the same great 
journal has treated us of late to special and exclusive 
bulletins of the German emperor's health, in which the 



New German Empire. 151 

aged monarch has been kindly presented with an 
apoplectic stroke, and with unremitting pains in his 
feet, which have induced his medical advisers to pre- 
scribe absolute solitude a new discovery, certainly, 
in therapeutics, as a remedial agent in catarrhal and 
rheumatic affections. That the official organ of the 
Prussian government should all the time have ventured 
to reduce the emperor's illness to a common catarrh 
which, albeit more than usually severe, was running- 
its usual course, and that it should have sent 
ministers and generals galore into the emperor's 
sick-room at the very time when his majesty was 
kept in perfect solitude by order of his physicians, 
of course simply shows the bold mendacity of the 
said official organ. 

The Crown Prince has long since learnt to appre- 
ciate the great minister at his true value. It may 
safely be averred that, since the meeting between 
the two high personages at Miliutin, or Miletin, in 
Bohemia, on the night of July 1-2, 1866, there 
has been very little difference of opinion between 
them. The asserted dissatisfaction of the Crown 
Prince and Crown Princess with the new eccle- 
siastical laws, and with the German unionist policy 
of the emperor and his chancellor, is the merest 
fio-ment of a Eomish fiction. Both the Crown 

o 

Prince and Crown Princess are sound Protestants ; 
and the future emperor and empress of Germany are 
as ardent and loyal in the cause of the great United 



15:2 .I/'/' t'-ho IKTC made the 



Fatherland as the Emperor William and his great 
chancellor themselves can possibly be. 

To return to the state of affairs at the end of ]\Iay 
and beginning of June. 1866 : What with the actual 

O O ' 

stern opposition to his policy and projects which the 
Prussian premier had to encounter at this most critical 
juncture, and what with the hostile shadows the lively 
imagination of his foes would thus throw across his 

O 

path, Bismarck's position was by no means enviable at 
the time ; and he had certainly to strain every nerve 
to overcome first the home foes of his policy before 
he could think of devoting his energies duly to meet 
the foreign enemies of his country and king. 

But the worst of the matter for the great minister 
was, that even his royal master seemed at least to 
hesitate much and vacillate not a little in taking his 
final supreme decision- -so much, indeed, that Queen 
Elizabeth was actually encouraged thereby to write to 
her sister Sophia to be of good cheer, as Prussia 
would certainly not fight, but submit again, as she 
had done before in 1850. 

To account rightly for this apparent hesitation even 
on the part of the king, and for the dread with which 
the impending war was contemplated by many even 
who were not necessarily hostile to Bismarck, the 
state of affairs at the time must be taken into due 
consideration. Prussia, it was clear, would, in the 
event of a war with Austria, find arrayed against 
her, Bavaria, Wurtemberg, Saxony, Hanover, the 



New German Empire. 153 

two Hesses, and Nassau, and most likely Baden also, 
compelled thereto by its geographical position ; whilst 
the most she might reckon on in the shape of allies 
on her side was confined to Mecklenburg, Oldenburg, 
the Hanse towns, the Anhaltine duchies, and the 
Thuringian duchies and principalities, and perhaps 
Brunswick. How true this anticipation was could be 
seen afterwards at the outbreak of the war, when 
Prussia was for a time left standing alone almost, 
that is to say, with only Lippe-Detmold and stanch 
Ernest of Saxe-Coburg-Gotha to support her in the 
desperate struggle. 

It was calculated at the time that her foes could 
lead into the field against her a million and a half of 
men ! whilst only about half a million of defenders 
were generously awarded to her. Besides, her strategic 
position was most critical. The Austrians held the 
south side of the Erzgebirge, and were threatening the 
important provinces of Saxony and Silesia with an 
apparently overwhelming invasion, whilst the hosts of 
the German Confederation might force themselves as 
a wedge between the eastern and the western parts 
of the kingdom. Then Prussia was exposed, more- 
over, to threatening demonstrations by Eussia on 
her eastern frontier, by France on her south-western 
frontier, and she must be prepared also for a Dano- 
Scandinavian attack on the very Elbe duchies which 
formed the ostensible bone of contention between her 
and the Kaiser. 



1.")4 Men wJiO Jut re ,,,<!<' 



The look-out was not cheerful, it must be confessed, 
for the mere superficial Prussian observer. Italy, it 
was considered, would prove but an indifferent help 
in so far as the war in Germany was concerned ; and 
it was held by many true Prussian patriots even that 
Bismarck was overbold in bidding defiance to the 
combined powers of Austria and the German Con- 
federation, and in hurrying his king and his country 
into a worse than doubtful struggle without having 
duly reckoned the cost and the peril of the hazardous 
venture. 

But Bismarck had closely calculated every chance 
and contingency in the impending game. 

He knew full well that Austria could at the most 
bring 650,000 men into the field, of which one-third 
at least must necessarily consist of very indifferent 
soldiering material, and that from the remaining two- 
thirds some 30,000 men might safely be struck off', 
composing the Venetian contingent, who would surely 
feel tempted, should the occasion offer, to do as the 
Saxons did at Leipzig- -go over to the enemy; that 
150,000 men at least would have to be placed in 
Venetia, with some 20,000 more to guard the Tyrolese 
passes, &c. ; that large bodies of troops would have 
to be massed in Transylvania and in Galicia, and 
some other parts that would require to be carefully 
looked after ; that she could at the most dispose of 
an effective force of some 250,000 men for aggres- 



sive warfare against Prussia. 



New German Empire. 155 

He knew also the material of which the Prussian 
army was made, and he had the fullest confidence in 
Roon and in Moltke, and in the officers of Moltke's 
school. He also knew the Red Prince, and with the 
clear-sightedness of genius he discerned the great 
commander in the Crown Prince. 

The history of the past was there also to show 
him that a Wallenstein or an Archduke Charles might 

o 

fairly be looked upon as a rare exception from a very 
ordinary rule of mediocre capacity in the general run 
of Austrian commanders ; and that for one Kheven- 
huller, Daun, or Laudon, there were always to be 
found ten generals of the calibre of r a Neipperg, 
Grime, or Duke Charles of Lorraine ; for one Clerfait, 
Wurmser, Kray, or Melas, ten Beaulieus, Alvinzis, and 
Maoks ; for one Radetzky, ten Giulays. 

He knew also that the anti-Prussian states of the 
German Confederation, although making a most for- 
midable show of military forces on paper (Bavaria 
pretended to number some 260,000 men for her own 
self alone in the enumeration of these forces)- -would 
find it an impossible task almost to put more than 
some 200,000 to 220,000 effectives into the field 
against Prussia; and that, though the 40,000 Saxons 
reckoned in this grand total might find an easy way 
of joining the Austrian forces in Bohemia, the 30,000 
Hanoverians would find it rather difficult to swell the 
south German host. He knew that the strategical 
position of south Germany was bad, and that the 



156 Men who have h'unlc. the 



land lay invitingly open to an invasion. He knew 
that he had fully secured the benevolent neutrality of 
Russia, and that Prussia had nothing to dread from 
France for a time, at least. As for a Dano-Scandi- 
navian attack, Russia, he was sure, would look to it 
that nothing of the kind should take place for some 
time to come, at all events. 

The calculation of chances made by himself and 
his chief coadjutors Roon, Moltke, and Prince 
Frederick Charles- -was perfectly accurate. He could 
from the very outset of the coming campaign oppose 
an adequate force to the Austrian host, and check by 
anticipation the intended great wedge movement of 
the forces of the German Confederation. Provision 
had also been made to draw the utmost benefit from 
the alliance with Italy. Moltke had drawn up a plan 
of campaign for the Italian army, to be submitted to 
the Italian cabinet by the Prussian ambassador at 
Florence. That La Marmora, instead of acting upon 
this plan, would simply send a copy of it to Louis 
Napoleon that the great Prussian minister could not 
possibly have foreseen. 

Then there was still another important element in 
the calculation of the chances of success- -to wit, the 
state of the finances in Austria and in Prussia. The 
latter country was in a flourishing condition in this 
respect, the former well-nigh in a state of bankruptcy. 

All these considerations Bismarck urged upon the 
king. He was ably supported by Roon, Moltke, 



New German Empire. 157 

Prince Frederick Charles, Herwarth von Bittenfeld, 
and other leaders of the army, and the apparent 
hesitation of the monarch was finally overcome. 
That this hesitation had been only apparent was 
proved by the fact, that the preparations for war had 
from the commencement of the " difficulty J between 
the two powers been pushed on most vigorously. 

Bodelschwingh's almost summary dismissal from 
the ministry of finance towards the end of May, 
convinced the other anti-Bismarckians in the cabinet 
that the king was at one with the minister in the 
matter of the impending war. They accordingly 
submitted cheerfully to the law of necessity. 

All went on smoothly now. Three armies were 
formed against Austria and Saxony, commanded 
respectively by the Crown Prince, Prince Frederick 
Charles, and General Herwarth von Bittenfeld. 
General Manteuffel was ordered to hold himself in 
readiness to march with his division from Schleswig 
through Holstein into Hanover. Vogel von Falkenstein, 
who was stationed at Minden, in command of a 
division of the seventh corps, received orders also to 
march into Hanover. 

This general, unquestionably one of the ablest, if 
not positively the ablest, of all Prussian commanders, 
was appointed to the command-in- chief of the forces 
that would have to act against the hosts of the 
German Confederation. 

General Beyer, another most able chieftain, 



1 ,-)S M<'/> "'!> li" re unnh'- ///< 

instructions, in the event of a hostile anti-Prussian 
declaration on the part of the German Confederation, 

to gather the Prussian garrisons of Mayence and 
Rastatt, and lead them into the electorate of Hesse. 

Now, had everything been done as pre-arranged, 
there can scarcely be a doubt that, after the German 
-Diet at Frankfort had once thrown down its gauntlet 
of battle to Prussia, on the 14th of June, I860, the 
immediate invasion of Saxony and Hanover on the 
15th of June would have prevented the 40,000 
Saxons joining Benedek in Bohemia, and the 
Hanoverians compelling General Flies to fight them 
one against two at Langensalze, on the 27th of 
June, to prevent their escape to south Germany. 
The proof of this lies in the fact that they were 
compelled the next day to capitulate to Vogel von 
Fa.lkenstein, notwithstanding their victory over Flies 
on the day before. 

The king and Bismarck remained in Berlin. On 
the 18th of June the minister drew up the king's 
proclamation to the Prussian people, which made 
a powerful impression upon the nation, even upon 
those who had up to this been most strenuously 
opposed to the war. 

The patriotism and the warlike feelings of the 
people were aroused ; the smouldering fire was fanned 
into a fierce blaze by a foolish order of the day by 
Benedek, in which the Austrian commander spoke 
slightingly of the " Prussian citizen army," who 



New German Empire. 159 

would certainly never dare face his Austrian veterans, 
grown grey on so many fields of battle, and by a still 
more stupid 'address to the inhabitants of Silesia, in 
which Benedek, counting his chickens long before the 
eggs were laid, promised the Silesians indulgent 
treatment by the invading Austrians if they would 
only abstain from all anti- Austrian demonstrations. 

When the news of the first Prussian successes in 
Bohemia reached Berlin, the ever-fickle people, who so 
shortly before fiercely denounced Bismarck and his 
policy, and had all but hooted the king, went mad 
with enthusiasm, making an idol of the monarch and 
a still greater idol of the minister. Bismarck used to 
drive up to the palace in a modest " one-horse shay." 
When the people of Berlin so suddenly took to adore 
him, it took all his powers of persuasion to prevent 
them taking out the horse and drawing him along 
themselves instead. 

On the 30th of June the king- left Berlin for 

o 

Bohemia, attended by Bismarck, Moltke, and others. 

As the description of the Bohemian campaign and 
of the German campaign will come in its proper place 
in the memoirs of the Crown Prince, Prince Frederick 
Charles, Herwarth von Bittenfeld, Steinmetz, Vogel 
von Falkenstein, Voigts-Khetz, and others, it may be 
passed over here ; nor need we dwell upon the results, 
which are sufficiently well known. 

Benedetti's attempts to claim a share in the spoils 
of the victory for France were met with such firmness 



160 Men /''ho liave ni>h' the 

by Bismarck, and France was then, as the great 
Prussian minister well knew, so very little prepared 
for war with the formidable "needle-gun power" 
which had so suddenly burst upon a surprised world, 
that Louis Napoleon deemed discretion the better 
part of valour, and abandoned for the time all claim 
to compensation. 

Austria, humbled and exhausted, and seeing the 
enemy at the gates of Vienna, consented readily 
enough to Bismarck's conditions of peace ; so the pre- 
liminaries were settled at Nikolsburg on the 26th 
of July. General Moltke represented Prussia at the 
negotiation, and peace was definitively concluded at 
Prague on the 23rd of August. 

Weeks before this, Bismarck had enjoyed the sweet 
satisfaction of receiving one of his greatest enemies, 
the Bavarian minister, Von der Pfordten, as a suppli- 
cant for tolerable terms of peace, and to win him 
over completely by the grant of terms generous 
beyond his most sanguine anticipations. Through 
Von der Pfordten, Bismarck offered equally favourable 
terms to Wiirtemberg and the Grand Duchy of Hesse, 
There was no question about Baden, as it was patent 
to all concerned that she had only joined the Anti- 
Prussian League under the pressure of irresistible 
compulsion. 

Bismarck took care, however, to make a considerable 
step forward in the direction of the future unification 
of Germany, by concluding a secret treaty with 



New German Empire. 161 

Wurtemberg on the 13th of August, and with Bavaria 
and Baden on the 22nd of August, 1866. These 
treaties gave Prussia the disposal and command of 
the military force of south Germany, thus preparing 
and paving the way for the universal German rising 
against the intended French aggression in 1870. 

It was at this period also that Bismarck rendered 
the greatest service of all to Prussia and to Germany, 
by annexing to Prussia Hesse-Cassel, Nassau, and the 
free city of Frankfort, and even overcoming the 
king's very strong reluctance to consent to the 
absorption of Hanover in the Prussian dominions. 
For the first time in her history Prussia formed now 
a compact mass, with her former strategic weakness 
turned into actual strength, which was still further 
increased by the accession of the kingdom of Saxony 
to the North German Confederation formed by all the 
German states north of the Main. Bismarck was 
made Chancellor of the Confederation, retaining also 
his offices of Prime Minister of Prussia and Prussian 
Foreign Secretary. 

On the 25th of June the primary elections of Elec- 
tors had taken place throughout Prussia, under the in- 
fluence of the patriotic feelings aroused by the war. 
The results foreshadowed a considerable accession to 
the government party in the house, and a corresponding 
weakening of the Progressists and Radicals. The 
final elections, made on the 3rd of July, the great day 
of Sadowa, under the impression of the victories of 

VOL. I. M 



\(j'2 Mi'ii tdio /tare i,i<!c the 



Nachod, Rognitz, Skjilitz, Cxmiginliof, Htihnerwasser, 

Podol, Gitschin, &c., more than fully confirmed these 
anticipations. 

When, on the 5th of August, the first session of the 
new Diet was opened at Berlin, the government found 
itself, for the first time for years, no longer face to 
face with an irreconcilable hostile majority. This was 
the time selected by Bismarck to step back to constitu- 
tional usages, and to show that if he had violated 
them in former sessions, it had not been done wan- 
tonly, but in the true interests of the country alone, 
which a hostile majority had been unwilling or unable 
at the time to discern and understand rightly. The 
great minister made his colleagues and the stiff old 
king understand that the constitution had been 
violated by the king's government, and that it behoved 
that government, in returning now to the constitu- 
tional path, to ask the representatives of the people to 
grant a bill of indemnity for the past. 

This was certainly a most signal service rendered by 
Bismarck to the cause of constitutional liberty in 
Prussia. It extinguished the lamentable conflict of 
years, which, as it were, had divided the government 
and the land into two hostile camps. With any other 
minister at the head of affairs that conflict might have 
been perpetuated. 

New honours and dignities were showered upon the 
great statesman. A large dotation was voted by the 
house, which was divided between Bismarck and his 



New German Empire. 163 

two chief coadjutors, Moltke and Eoon. It was much 
talked of in Berlin at the time how Bismarck, who is 
too great a man, and of too high aspirations to care for 
money for the mere sake of money, had long declined 
accepting his share of the dotation, and had only 
yielded at last to the king's express commands ; his 
majesty having, moreover, called his attention to the 
fact that, though he and Moltke might be in a position 
(pecuniarily) to decline the proffered dotation, the case 
was different with Roon, who yet would be compelled 
to decline also if Bismarck persisted in his refusal. 

It was related at the time, that when Bismarck's 
fidus Achates, Keridell, urged him to give way to the 
royal demand, the great minister said, among other 
things, that he would like posterity to read upon his 
tombstone, "Here lies Otto von Bismarck- Schonhausen, 
who lived for his country, and died poor/' 

After the glorious achievements and the brilliant 
acquisitions of 1866, the great statesman might well 
feel firmer and more secure in his seat, and he might 

' O 

well think that he could now venture to assume 
greater freedom of action in exhibiting the more 
liberal side of his character. It may, indeed, be said 
that he aspired henceforth to be a truly constitutional 
minister. This was no easy task, however, and 
required caution and wariness. 

With the single exception of Von der Heydt, the 
new Minister of Finance, who had replaced Bodel- 
schwingh (the 2nd of June, 1866), the cabinet over 

M 2 



1G4 'M< it /'//'> li'.ire nm<l<> the 



which Bismarck presided consisted of thoroughly re- 

actionary materials even Hoon, with all his genius, 

being too strongly imbued with the old ultra-Conser- 

vative " Junker " spirit to be easily accessible to larger 

and more liberal views- -whilst the king, the most 

important factor with whom the minister had to deal, 

albeit an honest, sterling man, was yet a true Hohen- 

zollern, with a very considerable drop of the arbitrary 

blood of his race in him. He was, moreover, stubborn 

to a degree. He had grown grey in his antiquated 

" unlimited monarchy " notions. As Waldeck used to 

say, Constitutionalism did not suit his temper ; and 

when he would graciously condescend to don the con- 

stitutional shoe in lieu of the absolutist boot, it was on 

condition only that it should never pinch him. His 

majesty was also much given to periodical fits of 

" concrete piety," as poor Kalisch used to have it, in 

which the Grace-of-God and Divine-Mission notion 

would wax unconquerably strong within him. 

The minister knew full well that he should have to 
meet all these adverse influences in his proposed con- 
stitutional campaign. He knew that he would, in the 
first place, have to fight hard with his colleagues in 
the cabinet for the success of every liberal measure 
attempted by him ; that he would then, in the second 
place, have to overcome the reluctance of the king to 
what his majesty might deem "a dangerous precipi- 
tancy of progress ; ' ; and that he should then, in the 
third and last place, have to reckon with his old 



New German Empire. 165 

Junker friends and supporters, the Gerlachs, the Kleist- 
Retzows, the Stolbergs, the Senfft-Pilsachs, and other 
charming petrifactions of the ante-constitutional 
period. That he actually invited the battle under 
these thorny circumstances and most unpromising 
conditions speaks volumes in favour of the view which 
claims Bismarck as a liberal statesman from the very 
outset of his career. 

His first success in this great venture was, as has 
already been stated, the acknowledgment by king and 
cabinet that the conduct of the government in the 
budget and military expenditure questions had been 
anti-constitutional, and that this violation of the con- 
stitution could properly be purged only by a bill of 
indemnity granted by the representatives of the 
people. 

From this time forward Bismarck broke gradually 
away from the trammels of his old party associations. 
He worked hard and unremittingly to indoctrinate the 
king with sound constitutional maxims, and to make 
him, among other things, clearly comprehend and 
realize this great fact, that he was ruling over a 
free people in the best sense of the term; and 
that such a nation, so cheerfully bearing the heavy 
burden of universal compulsory military service, was 
not only entitled to representative institutions, but had 
the most indisputable right also to the fullest local 
self-government, free from the wretched trammels of 
feudal privileges claimed and exercised by a compara- 



KJG Mat whu /met- untile the 



tively infinitesimally small caste- -privileges dating 
from the worst and darkest days of the Middle Ages. 
The difficulty of the task which the great minister had 
set himself in this direction may be measured by the 
fact, that it took him six years to mould the royal 
mind to the acceptance of the Communal Self-Govern- 
ment Bill. 

Bismarck tried also his hardest to liberalize his 
colleagues, but with indifferent success only ; though 
Eoon, Itzenplitz, Eulenburg, and even Selchow, would 
mostly, after a tenacious struggle, in the end submit 
more or less reluctantly to the powerful ascendant of 
the great man over their minds. Lippe and Mtihler 
remained always obstinately impracticable, and all 
Bismarck's efforts to rid his cabinet of these two 
intractable obstructives broke for a long time against 
the king's stubborn reluctance to part with what his 
majesty would persist in designating " faithful old 
servants of the crown." 

It was only in December, 1867, that Lippe had to 
give way at last to the universal indignation and 
hatred felt against him, and more or less openly 
proclaimed by all the judges of the land and the 
whole legal profession ; and Mtihler managed for 
some four long years more to thwart Bismarck's 
strenuous efforts to rid his cabinet pudding of this 
most noxious ingredient. 

To return again to the foreign branch of Bismarck's 
action, it may not be altogether out of place here 



New German Empire. 167 

to specify the extraordinary compensation claims put 
forward by France within a week from the ratifica- 
tion of the Nikolsburg preliminaries. Louis Napoleon 
coolly demanded that the German territory of the 
Netherlands should be excluded in future from all 
connection with any of the German powers, and that 
Prussia should withdraw her troops from the fortress 
of Luxemburg ; that the territories lost by France 
in 1815 should be restored to her, and that the 
Bavarian and Hessian possessions on the left bank 
of the Ehine should be ceded to her. Such were 
the French pretensions which, as already stated, were 
so firmly rejected by Bismarck, 

The Indemnity Bill was passed on the 3rd of 
September, 1868, by a majority of 230 to 75. The 
annexation of Hanover, Electoral Hesse, Nassau, and 
Frankfort was sanctioned by the Lower House on the 
7th of September, by a majority of 273 to 14 ; by 
the Upper House almost unanimously on the 10th of 
September. The petty squabbles with Saxe-Meiningen 
and Reuss-Greiz, who had in their ineffable conceit 
declined to join the proposed new North German 
Confederation, were of course speedily brought to 
a satisfactory termination, 

On the 15th of October the new electoral law for 
the North German parliament was published. The 
principal provisions of this new electoral law were- 
1, Direct and secret voting ; 2, a member to be 
elected for every 100,000 inhabitants; 3, every free 



16S Mat who /K(*V nt'idc tin' 



and irreproachable citizen of any of the states be- 
longing to the confederation to be entitled to vote ; 
and, 4, every elector of three years' residence in any 
of the states of the confederation to be eligible. 
No one, surely, would venture to contest the liberality 
of these provisions. 

On the 27th of September, 1866, Bismarck con- 
cluded an agreement with the Grand Duke of 
Oldenburg, by virtue of which the House of Gottorp, 
in consideration of 150, GOO/, cash and a small terri- 
torial cession, consented to drop all eventual claims 
to the duchies of Schleswig and Holstein. The last 
obstacle to the union of the Elbe duchies with 
Prussia being thus removed, the decree of incorpora- 
tion was published on the 24th of December, 1866. 
About a week before, on the 16th of December, the 
lower chamber had adopted the budget for 1867 
the first budget legally and constitutionally voted 
since 1862. 

In the early part of 1867 Bismarck concluded 
a military convention with Saxony, by which the 
supreme command of the Saxon army was vested in 
the King of Prussia as commander-in- chief of the 
forces of the confederation. 

It was about this time that negotiations began 
between France and Holland, contemplating the 
cession of the Grand Duchy of Luxemburg to 
France. 

About the middle of March a discussion took place 



New German Empire. 169 

in the corps legislatif of France upon the policy 
pursued by the French government in regard to the 
events of 1866 in Germany. This discussion showing, 
inter alia, that the French were imperfectly and 
incorrectly informed upon the actual relation between 
the North German Confederation and the south 
German states, Bismarck published the secret treaties 
concluded in August 1866, between Prussia and 
Bavaria, Wiirtemberg, and Baden. 

The publication of these important state papers had, 
however, probably also for its object to calm down 
the eagerness of the French government to obtain 
the cession of Luxemburg. The discussion on this 
latter subject, which took place on the 1st of April 
in the North German parliament, and terminated in 
a universal expression of opinion that Germany would 
never permit the severance of a German province 
from the Fatherland, and the adhesion of the Bavarian 
deputies to this declaration, both instigated by Bis- 
marck, were clearly meant by the Prussian premier 
to act in the same sense, 

On his subsequent visit to Paris (5-1 4th of June), 
Bismarck did everything to make the French govern- 
ment understand that Germany could not and would 
not permit the execution of the Luxemburg bargain 
plot. Louis Napoleon persisted, however, in his pur- 
pose, and it was only through the intervention of 
the good offices of England that Europe was in- 
debted at the time for the temporary postponement 



170 Men f'liO lun-i' untile tin' 



at least of tlic threatening danger <>f war between 



In-nnaiiy ami F 

hi the summer of 1867 Bismarck achieved another 
great political and commercial triumph, in effecting 
a thorough reorganization of the Customs Union, 
embracing all the states of German} 7 . 

In December, 1867, the prime minister's position 
in the cabinet was materially strengthened by the 
dismissal of Count Lippe from the ministry of jus- 
tice, and the appointment instead of Dr. Leonhardt, 
a Hanoverian, whose views were much more in 
harmony with Bismarck's than those of his most 
impracticable and intractable ultra-feudal predecessor 
could ever have grown, even under the most favour- 
able circumstances. 

All through 1868 and 1869 Bismarck steadily con- 
tinued to pursue his liberalization policy. He fought 
many a hard battle in the cabinet and with the 
king- and there were times when he retired to Varzin 

O" 

(an estate of his in Pomerania) in absolute disgust. 
This Varzin estate of his is said to have profited 
vastly by such temporary fits of discouragement. 
It is even averred that he has nearly doubled its 
value in the brief space of a few years, by the 
establishment on it of breweries, distilleries, and 
manufactories of every kind and description. What- 
ever degree of truth there may be in this statement, 
this much is certain, that Bismarck is universally 
looked upon by his fellow-landowners in Prussia as 



New German Empire. 171 

the most practical and the most successful cultivator 
of every species of industry connected with the 
improvement of the soil and the most profitable 
utilization of its produce. 

With this brief allusion to the premier's doings in 
1868 and 1869, we may pass on at once to the annus 
mirabilis 1870. Still, it may not be amiss to men- 
tion a certain little episode of the autumn of 1868, 
which gave rise to the first note of the an ti- Papist 
and anti-Ultramontane policy so ardently and earnestly 
pursued since by the present chancellor of the 
German empire. 

Pius IX., in his almost incredible arrogance, had 
dared to invite the Protestant clergy of Germany to 
his pretended (Ecumenical Council, just as if Luther 
and the Reformation had never been. Bismarck, one 
of the sincerest and stanchest of Protestants, could 
not brook this. So he insisted with Mtihler until 
that most dubious Mucker- Jesuit was actually driven, 
much against the grain no doubt, to instruct the 
supreme consistory of the ]and to declare this papal 
presumption an inexcusably gross trespass upon 
Protestant ground, and to warn all Prussian Protes- 
tants, and more especially the clergy, against paying 
the slightest heed to the insolently presumptuous 
papal summons. 

It is a moot question whether Bismarck ever really 
instigated Prim's extraordinary choice of a prince of 
Hohenzollern for the throne of Spain. True, the 



Men trhu f t ,n\' made the 



Prussian premier had placed another scion of the 
same family upon the Eoumanian throne. However, 
to this he had been moved by his earnest desire to 
diminish or postpone, at least for a time, the burning 
chances of Eastern complications which were then 
threatening the peace of Europe ; whereas the candi- 
dature of a Hohenzollern for the throne of Spain 
could only tend to rouse to the highest pitch the 
susceptibilities of the French government and the 
French people, and to invite, as it were, the outbreak 
of a fierce war ; and Bismarck certainly has always 
proved himself too clear-sighted and far-seeing a 
statesman not to have been quite alive to this patent 
fact, and not to have realized to the fullest extent 
the probable, nay, the almost inevitable consequences 
of a decided policy of provocation on his part. 

There can be very little doubt, indeed, that Prim 
apprised the Prussian statesman of his intention, but 
that Bismarck should actually have been Prim's 
prompter in the matter is more than doubtful. Had 
Bismarck really been so eager for the fight with 
France as it is generally believed, it may reasonably 
be asked, would he have lent himself so willingly to 
the ready renunciation of Prince Leopold's candida- 
ture \ It seems certainly not quite justified by the 
facts of the case to wish to impute to Bismarck that 
he not only went cheerfully into the war, but that 
he had actually himself concocted the casus belli. 

Be this as it may, however, thus much is certain, 



Neiv German Empire. 173 

that it was only when the French demands grew 
absolutely insulting to the dignity of the Prussian 
king and nation, that Bismarck, supported most ably 
and energetically at this critical juncture by Count 
Eulenburg, the Prussian home secretary, counselled 
his royal master to prefer war to humiliation. 

A brief narrative of the events and incidents of 
the Franco-German war of 1870-71 will find its 
proper place in the memoirs of the German military 
commanders. 

The surprising results of that campaign have lent 
a certain colouring of reality to the notion that the 
war was altogether Bismarck's own work, conceived 
and executed upon a long-premeditated plan. This 
notion, however, shows only a very shallow knowledge 
of the real facts of the case. It is hardly ever sound 
and safe to judge by the event. 

Moltke's genius and the decision and rapidity of 
the German movements in the field disconcerted a 
great many intended moves on the great political 
chess-board of Europe. There is excellent reason to 
believe that Louis Napoleon did not rush quite so 
madly into war as has been imputed to him. He had, 
unquestionably, been grossly misled by his agents 
in the south of Germany as to the true feelings of 
the people there, the said agents having themselves 
been deceived in more than one instance by the ill- 
disguised or undisguised French sympathies of the 
governing powers in those parts. But there is ample 



174 Men ir/t<> hurc imn/f flic 



<-;.use to susnrrt that the French emperor was not 
altogether unjustified in ]iis hopes of Austrian aid in 
the struggle against Prussia. 

One single severe reverse suffered by the German 
forces would have brought the Austrians into the field, 

o 

and revealed most probably also the hollowness of 
the lip-professions of patriotic German feelings of 
certain south German rulers ; it might have sufficed 
also to bring the Francophile Piedmontese statesmen 
of the La Marmora school to the fore in Italy. 

/ 

In 1866 Bismarck had, indeed, secured the benevo- 
lent neutrality of Kussia and the expectant neutrality 
of France before he ventured to take up Austria's 
gage of battle. In 1870 he could only be sure of 
Bussia's neutrality, and had to contemplate even the 
not very remote possibility of finding in Italy a 
foe instead of an ally. It is not a very extraordi- 
nary stretch of the imagination, then, to take it 
that Bismarck, whilst fully prepared of course to 
accept the war which he well knew France had 
been bent upon ever since 1866, had certainly no 
deliberate intention of forcing on the outbreak of 
hostilities, and that he would gladly have main- 
tained peace had it only been compatible with the 
dignity of his country. 

Bismarck attended the kingr throughout the cam- 

^^ ** * 

paign. He took a leading part in the famous capi- 
tulation negotiations at Donchery, near Sedan, on the 
night of the 1st of September, an authentic report of 



New German Empire. 175 

which will be found appended to Moltke's memoir. 
The great strategist was the other negotiator on the 
side of Germany; Wimpffen, attended by Generals 
Faure and Castelnau, representing the defeated 
French army. 

It was here w r here Bismarck demolished in his 
habitual honest, ruthless way, and with his customary 
sledge-hammer logic, the passionate special and 
specious pleading of Wimpffen for " generous ' terms 
to the French army. It was here where he bluntly 
asked General Castelnau, who tendered the sword 
of the French emperor, whether the sword thus ten- 
dered was the sword of France, or simply Louis 
Napoleon's sword, intimating that, in the latter case, 
it could make no difference in the terms of capitu- 
lation offered. It was here also where he poured 
oil upon the troubled waters, when Wimpffen and 
Moltke, in a moment of passion, were on the point of 
breaking off the negotiations, and threatening a 
renewal of hostilities in the morning. 

In the subsequent peace negotiations with both Jules 
Favre and Thiers, but more especially with the former, 
Bismarck has been accused of needless harshness, not 
to say cruelty, to a vanquished foe. This is certainly 
a most unjust charge to bring against the great 
German statesman. Bismarck is a practical man, and 
naturally likes to act as a practical man of business in 
the serious transactions of life. 

When, then, he met a negotiator who counted 



176 Men ivho hare made 



tears and sol>s among his diplomatic stock in trade, 
and professed to look upon the notion of a demand 
of territorial sacrifice from vanquished France as a 
species of crime of lese humanite, conveniently for- 
getting how often and how ruthlessly France had 
exacted such sacrifices from other nations under 
similar circumstances, he thought it high time to put 
the matter in a clear light before the French pleni- 
potentiary, who was shutting his eyes wilfully to the 
true state of affairs. 

Compare the plain frankness of Bismarck at Fer- 
rieres and Versailles with the insolent brutality of 
Bonaparte at Campo Formio, where the French 
" negotiator " frightened poor Cobenzl, certainly every 
whit as good an Austrian patriot as Jules Favre could 
justly claim to be a French one, by smashing a 
costly china vase (which, by the by, was not his own 
property) on the floor, threatening to serve the 
Austrian state the same in the event of any further 
refusal to consent to the conditions of peace irre- 
vocably laid down by himself in the name of the 
great and glorious French republic ; or with the Em- 
peror Napoleon's cruel declaration at Tilsit, in reply 
to certain humble remonstrances advanced by the 
Prussian negotiator against the fearful harshness of the 
conditions of peace proffered by France, " Le vaincu 
ria pas le droit de discuter ; il ria qua subir la loi 
du vainqueur. La discussion a eu lieu sur le champ 
de bataille;' or with the same urbane emperor's 



New German Empire. 177 

courteous conduct to the unhappy queen Louise of 
Prussia, who, when she ventured at a great state ball 
to plead for the retention of the fortress of Magde- 
burg in Prussian hands, was coarsely told by the 
polite Corsican that " he had not come there to dis- 
cuss politics with a woman." 

Indeed, the " vce victis' had been a stern truth 
long ages before Brennus added the weight of his 
heavy sword to the scale against Koine's ransom, and 
it is likely to remain so to the end of all days. So 
there would really seem to be very little call to find 
special fault with Bismarck's rough frankness to Jules 
Favre and M. Thiers ; nor with the conditions of 
peace exacted by him, considering how Alsace and 
Lorraine had been filched from Germany by the vilest 
frauds in the history of nations, and what heavy war 
contributions had ever been exacted by France from 
Germany whenever German dissension had permitted 
the former country to snatch an advantage over the 
latter. 

On the 18th of January, 1871, Bismarck enjoyed the 
proud satisfaction of witnessing the keystone let into 
the arch of German unity, which he had so patiently 
and valiantly striven for years to erect. On that 
ever-memorable day the princes and free towns of 
Germany agreed unanimously to revive the glories 
of the old German empire, and to place the imperial 
crown on the brow of the noble old head of the house 
of Hohenzollern. 

VOL. i. N 



178 Men vim IK i re made 



Six weeks after this, the preliminaries of peace 
between Germany and France had been duly ratified 
at Bordeaux and Versailles. Considering the very 
peculiar relations which have been gradually develop- 
ing since 1871 between the now Emperor of Germany 
and His Holiness Pope Pius IX., progressing in friend- 
ship from warmth to coldness, and in enmity up to 
white heat, it may not be altogether deemed out of 
place here to reprint a letter which the Pope wrote to 
the Emperor on the 6th of March, 1871, congratulat- 
ing the Prussian monarch, with the greatest apparent 
cordiality, upon his majesty's accession to the im- 
perial throne of Germany. This important historical 
document runs as follows : 

" Pope Pius IX. to the Most Illustrious, Most High, 
and Most Mighty Emperor, Greeting,- -By your 
majesty's kind letter we have received information of 
a nature to call forth our congratulations, not only 
that the highest imperial dignity has been conferred 
upon your majesty, but that the princes and free towns 
of Germany have conferred it upon your majesty by 
unanimous consent. We have therefore with great 
joy received the communication of this auspicious 
event, which we trust will, the Lord God graciously 
aiding your majesty's solicitous endeavours for the 
universal weal, conduce to the happiness, not alone of 
Germany, but of all Europe. We tender your 
majesty, also, our very special thanks for the expres- 



New German Empire. 179 

sion of your friendship for us ? and we venture to 
hope that this will contribute not a little to the pro- 
tection of the liberty and rights of the Catholic 
religion. In return, we beg your majesty to believe, 
that nothing shall be wanting on our part to serve the 
interests of your majesty whenever occasion may offer. 
Meanwhile, we pray to the Almighty Dispenser of all 
good, that He may abundantly bestow all true happi- 
ness upon your imperial and royal majesty, and may 
unite you with us in the bonds of perfect love. 

"Given -at St. Peter's (Vatican) at Eome, on the 
6th of March, 1871, in the 25th year of our 
pontificate. 

(Signed) " Pius P.P. IX." 

There is reason to believe that Bismarck was also 
favoured by his holiness at the same time with a 
similarly affectionate epistle. 

What a marvellous difference between the papal 
correspondence with the emperor and Bismarck then 
and now ! The emperor had not yet been turned 
into " Antichrist/' nor Bismarck into a " Demon 
Minister!" 

Mindful of how it was chiefly to Bismarck that he 
owed his elevation to the imperial throne of Germany, 
the grateful monarch made his minister, some three 
months after his own accession, a prince of the new 
empire. But he also bethought him how to bestow 
upon him a more substantial reward than mere high 

N 2 



ISO ^[< > n (''//<> /xirc nnule the 

rank and title, so lie addressed himself to the Estates 
of the Duchy of Lauenburg, where the crown hap- 
pened to be possessed of considerable domains. He 
proposed to the Estates that they should hand over 
to him, in free personal possession, the great Schwar- 
zeiibeek domain, in exchange for which grant he 
offered to cede to the Estates, in free possession, for 
the benefit of the country and the people, the whole 
remainder of the crown domains in Lauenburg. Of 
course, the Estates gladly consented. King William 
then bestowed the Schwarzenbeck lordship upon 
Prince Bismarck. 

It would appear that Bismarck's views upon the pro- 
priety of dotations bestowed upon successful statesmen 
and generals had changed since 1866. It is not unlikely 
that political considerations had come to exercise their 
influence upon the minister in favour of the system. 
It is certainly not a very violent stretch of the imagi- 
nation to suppose that the time may come wdien 
Germany will really be one, and when her present 
knights, grand dukes, dukes, and princes will simply 
constitute her highest aristocracy and her House of 
Lords ; and a prudent statesman may deem it wise to 
provide in time, by the creation of a new class of 
peers taken from the military and civil service of 
the state, an efficient counterpoise to the weight and 
influence of the bench of mediatised princes, which 
might otherwise prove overwhelming and endanger 
liberty and progress. 



New German Empire. 181 

When his majesty first intimated to Bismarck his 
gracious intention to raise him to the rank of prince, 
the minister, like the thoroughly practical man he is, 
stipulated that the succession to the rank and title 
should be limited to the eldest surviving son : he did 
not wish to people the empire with a race of needy 
princes. So the younger children of the Bismarck 
family will always remain simple counts and 
countesses. 

The lordship of Schwarzenbeck was valued at 
the time it was bestowed upon Bismarck at about 
230,000. With prudent foresight the prince at 
once purchased the adjoining estate of Friedrichsruhe, 
with the well-known Frascati Hotel. When the late 
proprietor, M. Specht, expressed to the prince his 
regret that the good Hamburgers would now no 
longer be able to enjoy the pleasant walks of Fried- 
richsruhe, Bismarck replied, in that captivating way 
of which he is such a thorough master, " Why should 
not the good Hamburgers continue to visit me just 
the same as they have been so long in the habit of 
visiting you ? Am I not also a citizen of the brave 
old Hanse town V* 

Anent this citizenship, it would indeed be difficult 
to find any township, in Prussia at least, of any im- 
portance, or of no importance, which has not 
bestowed upon Bismarck the title of "honorary 
citizen." 

In May, 1871, definitive peace between France and 



M<n ti'l/o have made 



Germany was at last concluded at Frankfort-on-the- 

Main. Tin- (Jrnnan empire was represented in these 
final negotiations by Chancellor Bismarck, the French 
Republic by Jules Favre and Pouyer-Quertier. The 
latter had to attend more specially to the interests of 
his country in the important financial part of the 
arrangement, Jules Favre having very little notion of 
international monetary matters, whereas Bismarck 
might well have afforded to give lessons in finance to 
the great M. Magne himself; for, indeed, nothing 
seems to come amiss to this extraordinary man, who 
would appear to shine equally in all branches of the 
great science of life. 

In the negotiations at Versailles, indeed, Bismarck 
had been advised on financial matters by M. 
Bleichroder, one of the leading Berlin bankers. 
Anent this a little anecdote is told, which may well 
be permitted to find a place here. 

When Bismarck first mentioned the sum of five 
milliards as the war indemnity exacted from France, 
poor Jules Favre protested that this was an " impos- 
sible " sum, which indeed did not exist in the whole 
world, and could not be counted even. " Why," the 
learned French advocate exclaimed, ''if a man had 
begun counting at the birth of Christ, he could not 
up to this time have reached such an incredibly 
enormous total.'' Of course, M. Favre is no 
arithmetician, else he could not have committed such 
an egregious blunder. However, upon this point 



New German Empire. 183 

Bismarck did not enter, but, following up Favre's 
remark, replied quietly, pointing to Bleichroder, 
" That is the very reason why I have brought a 
gentleman with me who counts from the Creation' 
(Bleichroder is a Hebrew). 

Bismarck knew the enormous wealth and the 
immense resources of France, which at that time 
actually held one-fourth part of all the coin and 
bullion in the world ! 

As a curious illustration of the perfect mastery 
which Bismarck will occasionally show of subjects of 
a thoroughly technical nature, and altogether out of 
his own line, we will passingly refer here to a great 
speech of his, delivered in the German parliament in 
April, 1871, upon the most suitable site and construc- 
tion of the building for the Keichsrath, in which the 
chancellor spoke like an expert architect, dealing not 
only with the subject at large, in its great outlines of 
conception and proposed execution, but entering into 
the minutest matters of detail connected therewith, 
which made Lasker remark, that the great architect of 
the German empire was clearly quite qualified also to 
be the architect of the German parliament-house. 

As the proposed edifice could not well be taken in 
hand incontinently, and as it would take a long time 
to finish it, the erection of a temporary structure for 
the meetings of the German parliament was mean- 
while resolved upon. This temporary parliament- 
house was to be erected on the premises of the great 



184 M< // 'Jto //are made the 

porcelain manufactory in tin 1 Leipziger Strasse. A 
mixed commission of members of the Keichstag and 
oflieials of the building board was appointed to 
examine the question of the said temporary erection, 
and whether it would be practicable to get the house 
ready against the time of the next meeting of parlia- 
ment. The president of this commission was Director 
\Veisshaupt, a gentleman made up of equal parts of 
red-tape and whalebone a fine specimen, in fact, of 
the old Prussian bureaucrat. Under his guidance, 
the commissioners, all but one, decided that the 
building could not possibly be got ready in time. 

The solitary exception was Deputy Eomer, the 
member for Hildesheim. This one dissentient was 
just protesting against the resolution of the commis- 
sion, when Bismarck, who evidently had got wind of 
the matter, entered the room, of course quite acci- 
dentally on purpose. The chancellor asked with 
apparent astonishment what Romer's protest meant. 
Whereupon Director Weisshaupt pompously informed 
the prince of the resolution which the commission 
had just passed, and proceeded to demonstrate the 
absolute impossibility of getting the projected build- 
ing ready by the time fixed by the chancellor. 

The first Napoleon used to say that the word 
" impossible " had no business in a French dictionary : 
Bismarck also objects very strongly to having asserted 
impossibilities thrown in his way. To the utter 
dismay, indignation, and horror, then, of the 



New German Empire. 185 

bureaucratic grandees around him, the chancellor 
dared argue the point with them, and he argued it, 
too, with such thorough knowledge of the subject 
that he completely dumbfounded Weisshaupt and his 
colleagues. He wound up by expressing his surprise 
that the " great architects ' whom he had the honour 
and pleasure of addressing could possibly talk of 
impossibilities in the matter of a trumpery temporary 
structure. However, if they really believed the thing 
could not be done, or, he added, with a covert sneer, 
if they had made up their minds not to do it, they 
need only tell him so, and he would get an architect 
from London to show them that, and how, the thing 
could be done. The result of course was a general 
" caving-in," and the practical impossibility turned 
out after all a very easily practicable possibility. 

Many a lance has Bismarck had to break with this 
same stiff spirit of routine and red-tape, which had 
so long been hanging as a dead weight on the other- 
wise so perfect state machine of Prussia. 

The following striking instance of this may be 
adduced. After the capture of Strasburg there was 
found in the Strasburg branch of the Bank of France 
a sum of about 600,000, which Bismarck took to be 
state property, and accordingly laid hold of it. On 
the other hand the money was claimed as private 
property. Pending the decision of the question, 
Bismarck, wishing to hand over at once to the 
municipality of Strasburg some funds to be devoted 



186 J/<'/j who hare made the 

to the coimnriircmrnt of the repair of the damage 
clone by the bombardment of the city, with his 
usual rapid decision, took upon himself to have the 
money paid over to him against his own personal 
receipt, and to place it then in the hands of the 
German authorities at Strasburg, with instructions to 
advance the money on mortgage to the proprietors of 
the ruined or damaged houses for the rebuilding or 
repair of the same. 

Months after, when he thought the matter had long 
since been settled, he learned, to his astonishment and 
dismay, that MM. Eed Tape and Routine had not yet 
settled the delicate question of " competence ' and 
" responsibility," and that the money remained still 
lying idle in the German treasury, awaiting the 
decision of the knotty question, which of the several 
governmental departments concerned had the greater 
claim to hand the money over to the parties for whose 
benefit it was intended. 

Of course, the chancellor at once cut the matter 
short in his own sharp and decisive way. He tele- 
graphed an order to the German authorities to hand 
the money over instantly to the municipality of 
Strasburg, and he left them to settle the question 
of " competence '' afterwards at their own leisure. 
To the municipality he intrusted the task of using 
the money to the best advantage, and with all 
due precautions for the purpose for which he had 
originally intended it to be used. 



New German Empire. 187 

Bismarck had taken the conduct of the Frankfort 
negotiations upon himself that all unnecessary delay 
might be avoided, and, indeed, the whole affair was 
concluded in a fortnight. 

When the prince arrived at the Schwan Hotel in 
Frankfort, on the occasion of the peace negotiations, 
he was in mufti. The head waiter, who, indeed, 
knew the chancellor, but had never seen him dressed 
other than in his cuirassier's uniform, did not 
recognize the great man at first. " We had nearly 
made a mistake, your highness/' he observed to the 
prince ; " we at first did not know your highness, 
not being dressed in regimentals." " Well, if you had 
made a mistake," replied Bismarck, with a smile, " it 
would have been exactly like the French. They also 
did not know us till we had donned our regimentals." 

When Bismarck was the Prussian representative at 
the old German Diet at Frankfort he was very intimate 
with Professor Jacob Becker, the well-known Frankfort 
artist, and with his family. On the occasion of 
these peace negotiations at Frankfort, the German 
chancellor had barely arrived in the old imperial city, 
and had only just got through the first and most 
arduous part of his heavy task, when he wended his 
way on foot to the domicile of his old friend, which 
he entered with a hearty " Wie geht's, Kinderclien ? ' 
A little trait like this shows the genial character and 
disposition of the man. There is, to use an expressive 
vulgarism, no " stuck-upishness " about him. 



188 Men who 7//r mmJc the 

Aiiot In T little anecdote in illustration of this may 
not be deemed out of place. The ancient township 
of Osterburg numbers among her citizens one Otto 
Bismarck, master shoemaker and member of the Rifle 
Association. In the summer of 1871 this good 
burgher had the skill and good luck of shooting 
himself into the highly honourable position of " King 
of the Rifles." Elated by his great success, he sent 
off the following telegram to Berlin, addressed to his 
illustrious namesake, the Chancellor of the German 
Empire: "To his Highness Prince Otto Bismarck: 
Rifle-King Otto Bismarck of Osterburg sends his 
royal greetings, as fellow-countryman and namesake." 
The chancellor immediately sent the following cordial 
reply :--"! heartily thank my august namesake, Otto 
Bismarck of Osterburg, for his kind greeting." 

At the banquet given by the Burgomaster of 
Frankfort in Bismarck's honour, after the conclusion 
of the peace, the chancellor proposed a toast " to the 
city " in a simple, hearty speech, winding up with the 
expression of his fervent hope that " the peace of 
Frankfort might prove also peace for and with the 
noble old city." This was received with thunders of 
applause, and the good Frankforters grew quite 
enthusiastic in their admiration and love of the man 
whom, only two short years before, they would 
have stoned to death had they had him at their 
mercy. 

It is indeed surprising how the " brutal ' Bismarck 



New German Empire. 189 

(as the Berlin correspondent l of a great London paper 
called the chancellor some time since) has endeared 
himself to the people. The statesman they admire, 
but their love is all for the " man ' Bismarck ; and 
this love finds vent and expression occasionally in the 
strangest fashions and most extraordinary ways. 

Thus, to give a few out of almost innumerable 
instances when M. Schwenger, the patriotic Hamburg 
butcher, sends his majesty a fine 40 Ib. sucking pig to 
grace the imperial table, he stipulates in his letter of 
consignment that Bismarck is to have a large slice of 
the roast, " with plenty of crackling, please your 
majesty, of which his highness is so very fond/' All 
the famous breweries in the land are continually 
sending the chancellor barrels of beer of triple and 
quadruple extra strength. 

A good citizen of Diisseldorf sends him a jar of 
table mustard of his own make, which he trusts will 
prove " as pungent to the palate as his highness's wit, 
and as genial to the stomach as the prince's good 
humour." An Oldenburg peasant, having heard that 
the chancellor has recently had a lot of plovers' eggs 
presented to him, sends him incontinently the largest 
and finest ham out of his larder, with a copy of 

1 There is reason to believe that the correspondent in question 
is not an Englishman. It appears, indeed, that he is a native of 
Prussia, but of French extraction, and that he belongs to a small 
knot of crotchety politicians, whose goodwill the chancellor is not 
likely ever to gain which accounts for the milk in the cocoa-nut. 



190 M<'n n'li<> Jtcrr i,i<i<l<> tlte 



"home-made' MTSCS in the broad Oldenburg dialect, 



in praise of a properly garnished breakfast-table set 
out substantially with those indispensable twin 
delicacies ham and plovers' eggs. 

The German railway companies join in presenting 
him with a complete saloon train, and a perpetual 
right of travelling gratis on all their lines. The 
learned Rabbis of Breslau claim him as a brother, 
bestowing upon him the high doctoral dignity of the 
"Mereine." The proprietor of a large Solingen 
cutlery house sends him a set of silver-handled razors 
for every day in the week, with a gold-handled one 
for Sundays, with hone and sharpen ing-strap, and oil 
and paste in small golden-stoppered crystal flasks, the 
whole in an elegant rosewood case. An enthusiastic 
^Esculapian apothecary of Magdeburg sends him, in a 
stand of solid silver, a dozen bottles of the famous 
"pepsined anti-dyspeptic digestive elixir," which, he 
calculates, will " last his highness fifty years ' (six to 
eight drops in a thimbleful of cognac to be taken 
before dinner). 1 

Gifts flow in also from foreign and distant parts. 
Thus, for instance, the city of Moscow sends three 
magnificent white horses without a speck on them. 
The Germans of Milwaukie, United States, send him a 
pair of most " illigant ' wooden shoes lined with the 

1 As regards the Solingen and Magdeburg gifts, the writer is 
not quite sure of the trustworthiness of the authority for the 
statements here made. 



Neiv German Empire. 191 

softest leather, and trimmed all round with the same 
material, and with the initials of the prince tastefully 
carved thereon. He is affectionately requested by the 
senders to wear them over his boots when travel- 
ling, as he will find them a great protection 
against cold, and a sovereign preventative to gout 
and rheumatism in the legs. The expression of a 
fervent hope is added, that he may live to wear them 
out, and a dozen other pairs after them ! 

The Germans of Sandhurst, Victoria, send him a 
splendid inkstand, with a most flattering address, 
expressive of the affection and admiration they feel 
for the srreat man. 

o 

This magnificent gift is made entirely of Austra- 
lian materials, and is of Australian workmanship 
throughout. The basement or pedestal is of Austra- 
lian black wood, covered on the top with a finely- 
chased plate of Australian silver. There is an ink- 
stand on each side, consisting of an emu egg, covered 
with a richly- embossed, open-w^orked silver wreath. 
A silver emu, in a nest of silver fern leaves, forms 
the lid of each inkstand. 

The centre of the pedestal, between the two ink- 
stands, is occupied by a rock built up of a number 
of nuggets of gold quartz of the richest kind, 
taken from the Australian diggings. A silver wind- 
lass with bucket, placed on the left, is intended to 
show the way in which the quartz is raised. In 
front of the rock several aborigines of Australia are 



19:2 M~< ,< V'l,u ll<D't' -UKuli- tin' 



seen in the net of darting spears at some kangaroos. 
All the figures arc made of solid silver. From the 
central portion of the rock rises a stately tree-fern, 
the stem or trunk of solid silver, and the leaves of 
Australian sovereigns. The workmanship of the 
whole is indeed exquisite, and it would be difficult 
to match so magnificent a gift. The inkstand is 
inclosed in a leather case made of kangaroo skin. 
The address is written on parchment by a German 
artist in Sandhurst, and it is ornamented with ei^ht 

o 

small medallion paintings representing the gradual 
progress of the colonies. And so the list might be 
extended almost ad infinitum. 

Being on the subject of gifts of affection to great 
men, a little anecdote relating to Moltke, in which 
Bismarck also plays a part, may not here come amiss. 

Some evil-disposed wags of Cologne had set a story 
afloat in the summer 1871, that the corporation of the 
famous city of the 288 different st , well, that we may 
not offend delicate ears, let us say smells,- -intended 
to present the great strategist with a splendid oak 
butt, magnificently carved and richly gilt, and divided 
into a multitude of compartments, each provided with 
a golden tap, to be filled with the contents of seven 
thousand bottles of Eau de Cologne, the genuine 
article, of Johann Marie Farina's manufacture. It 
turned out that the story was not true, and that the 
only "butt' 3 in the matter was the corporation of 
Cologne. For the time, however, the story of the 



New German Empire. 193 

Eau de Cologne presentation passed current. Count 
Itzenplitz, the then Minister of Commerce, having 
heard of it, asked Moltke to cede a few dozen flasks 
to poor Miihler, whereupon Bismarck observed, that 
if the intention of the gift solicited was to sweeten 
Miihler in the nostrils of the people, it would not be 
the slightest use, as seven thousand butts of the article 
would prove insufficient to accomplish that feat. 

Mtihler always was Bismarck's great aversion. 
Some two and a half years ago, Ludolf Parisius 
published a collection of Miihier's own convivial 
drinking and drunken son^s, under the catch title, 

O O ' ' 

A Prussian Minister of Worship who has missed his 
Vocation. This incensed Miihler to a high pitch of 
fury, and the machinery of the law was soon set in 
motion to punish the audacious "libeller." 

Bismarck, on his return from G-astein in 1871, 
during the brief stoppage of the train at the Berlin 
station in Leipzig, was accosted by the well-known 
newsvendor of that station, who presented to him a 
select collection of newspapers, magazines, and pamph- 
lets, pleasantly remarking at the same time that their 
"business relations' dated from eight years back. 
" At that time your highness and myself/' said the 
newsvendor, " were both beginners in our respective 
lines. Your highness, who was then passing through 
Leipzig on your way to Karlsbad, had only just taken 
to ' governing/ and I had made my first debut in 
the news agency line." 

VOL. i. o 



194 Men who //(// mudc. 



The clianccllor smiled, and took the papers, &<., 
offered. The sharp eye of the newsvendor having 
suddenly detected among the publications tendered to 
his highness the above-mentioned pamphlet, A Prus- 
sian Minixti-r, &c., tried to take it away again, as he 
fancied the chancellor might be offended with the 
liberty taken with a colleague of his ; but Bismarck, 
who also had just caught sight of the title, waved 
him off, saying, " No, no, my friend ; please leave this 
with the rest. Eailway travelling is tedious work. 
Let me have a little amusement at all events." 

All the way to Berlin he perused Mlihler's juvenile 
sins, and in consequence looked so pleased and beam- 
ing on his arrival in the capital, that it was believed 
for a time that he had succeeded in forming an 
alliance offensive and defensive with Austria. 

In January, 1872, Bismarck succeeded at last in 
shaking off his " Old Man of the Sea/' Mtihler, and 
secured instead in Dr. Falk a colleague after his own 
heart. Already, in October, 1869, another man of 
the same congenial stamp had entered the ministry, 
Camphausen to wit, who had replaced Von der Heydt 
in the Ministry of Finance. 

We shall see by and by how three more members 
of the old administration were finally got rid of in the 
course of another year, leaving Eulenburg behind as 
the only atom of the old leaven Eulenburg, who 
would seem, however, to have turned of late remark- 
ably pliant and plastic. 



New German Empire. 195 

Here the writer craves indulgence for a slight 
digression, just to bring in an anecdote anent the 
tendencies of Eulenburg and the late Mr. Miihler, 
which will serve also as an illustration of the 
character of the man Bismarck. 

Some years ago those Prussian Pharisee twins, 
Castor Eulenburg and Pollux Miihler, had comfort- 
ably settled between them a pretty little scheme of 
foisting upon the land a legislative act of sancti- 
monious Sabbath coercion that might in course of 
time have served, as has unfortunately been the case 
with us in England, for the thin end of the wedge to 
be ultimately driven home, even to the point mayhap 
of the most galling intrusion into the private habits 
and the purely personal concerns of the citizens of the 
state. The two concocters of this precious scheme 
took advantage of Bismarck's temporary absence from 
Berlin, to earwig the honest old king with their hum- 
ming and drumming about the sacred duty of rulers 
to watch paternally over the morals of the people. 

When the premier, upon his return to the capital, 
had the intended act submitted to him, he refused 
point-blank to have anything to do with it, and 
bluntly told his majesty that it was not the duty of 
rulers to thrust their paternal fingers into the pies of 
private life, but rather to attend to their own morals 
and habits, setting thereby a good example, as his 
majesty himself was so eminently doing by his own 
pure and blameless private life, and leave the people 

o 2 



IDG Men >r//d lirc nid<> tin' 



free to take care of theirs. The king was \\ 
enough to see that the minister was right, and so 
the precious measure was shelved. 

With the conclusion of the definitive peace witli 
France in May, 1871, terminated another most im- 
portant stage of Bismarck's political career. Up to 
this point he had proved himself to be the boldest as 
Avell as the most successful statesman the world had 
ever yet known. He had achieved many feats that 
were deemed impossible to accomplish. 

Less than ten brief years before, he had been the 
most hated and the worst detested man in Germany ; 
and he had succeeded in converting that hatred into 
affection, that detestation into respectful admiration, 
and he had attained a height of popularity unparal- 
leled in history. He had overthrown the formidable 
power of the House of Hapsburg, and thrust it out 
from Germany. He had humbled in the dust the 
military and political pride and prestige of France. 

He had throttled the hydra of the old Germanic 
Confederation. He had restored the old German 
empire, and accomplished the apparently impossible 
task of creating an indissoluble bond of union between 
the multitribed Germans of the north and the south, 
the east and the west, of the great Fatherland. He 
had gradually rid his cabinet despite the stanchest 
resistance of King William- -of the worst represen- 
tatives of the rotten old " paternal ; system, Bodel- 
schwingh, Lippe, and last, but certainly not least, 



New German Empire. 197 

Muhler, the Erymanthian boar who, conjointly with 
another equally horrid bore, Privy- Councillor Stielile, 
of ' Eegulative ; fame, had so long wasted the fair 
field of education in Prussia. 

He had, if not actually slain, at least considerably 
fluttered the Stymphalidan birds of prey of Junker - 
clom and Saintdom, that would fain batten still as 
they did of old upon the bodies and the souls of the 
people. He had succeeded (almost) in knocking the 
old man out of even such as Eulenburg, and he had 
actually achieved the semi-liberalization of the great 
Conservative party in Prussia. He had defeated and 
upset every intrigue, every machination, every plot 
devised and hatched against him by the court and 
Camarilla clique, and the Junkers and the Pietists. 

All these and other truly Herculean labours he had 
successfully accomplished. But another and infinitely 
more arduous task was now being set before him. 
He had to undertake to put down the arrogant pre- 
tensions of Rome. The task was not grateful to him ; 
he certainly did not seek the struggle, but he boldly 
accepted it when it was thrust upon him. 

He had foreseen from the beginning to what end 
the new-fangled dogma swere tending, which the 
most mischievous of all popes, set on and aided and 
abetted by the most crafty confraternity of cunning 
priests the world ever yet saw, was promulgating 
from the Vatican. He had done his best to nip the 
pernicious Papal Infallibility dogma in the bud. 



198 Men / rl/<> have made the 

Unhappily, the sensible section of the (Ecumenical 
Council had proved to be in a lamentably discouraging 
minority, and the dogma had been promulgated from 
the Vatican, and the sensible minority of princes and 
leaders of the Catholic Church Catholic now no 
longer, but simply Komish- -had unfortunately thought 
fit to submit them to the decision of the blindly 
bigoted majority, bereft of all sense and reason. 

With the exception of two bishops, Hefele and 
Strossmayer, they all of them had publicly pro- 
claimed the monstrous infallibility dogma in their 
several dioceses, and had not scrupled to force the 
unhappy priests under their jurisdiction to profess a 
hollow belief in the gross and palpable lie, on pain of 
excommunication ! Some of the German bishops, as 
Philippus Krementz of Ermeland, for instance, one 
of the sixty-seven bishops who had put their hands 
to a most solemn protest against the incredible papal 
pretensions to infallibility- -God's own highest attri- 
bute had set about with all the zest of neophytes 
to persecute the poor dissentient priests unhappily 
subject to their spiritual authority, and to coolly 
dismiss them from employment conferred upon them 
by the state. 

It was high time, indeed, to put a stop to such 
monstrous arrogance. Eome, and the bishops who 
chose to go along with her, forced the struggle upon 
the state. Bismarck simply took up the gage of 
defiance of the temporal power insolently thrown 



New German Empire. 199 

down by the Eomanists. He would have been a 
traitor to his country, to his king, and to his own 
old sturdy Protestant faith, had he allowed a set 
of rebellious Eomish priests, mitred or otherwise, 
to ride roughshod over the laws and institutions of 
the land. 

He accepted the combat after the maturest deli- 
beration ; for he was certainly the last man to em- 
bark in such a struggle without having minutely in- 
spected and considered every feature of the position, 
and carefully weighed every chance and contingency, 
and without having counted the possible cost of 
the undertaking. Ay, he was well conscious that, 
just as Hercules had found the cleansing of the 
Augean stable incomparably his hardest task to 
achieve, so he himself was now entering upon the 
most arduous of all his labours the purging of the 
Cloaca Maxima of Eomish abominations, and he 
even felt that Hercules had a lighter task of it than 
himself. The Augean stable had been used by three 
thousand oxen only for the comparatively limited 
period of thirty years, whilst the unnumbered legions 
of Ultramontane black cattle had been at their dirty 
work for centuries. 

He knew full well that in the gigantic struggle 
in which he was going to pit himself against the wily 
sons of Loyola and their Ultramontane followers and 
allies, he would require all his boldness and un- 
flinching bravery ; that it would tax all his energy, 



Men trho }'<> tinitlv the 



all his skill, all his astuteness ; and that it wouhl, 
indeed, need all his marvellous good fortune to' lead 
him safely through to a triumphant end. 

For it was perfectly clear to him that in this 
struo-oie he would find arrayed against him, besides 

oo > 

the formidable phalanx of the foe he had to com- 
bat more directly and immediately, the fanatic feel- 
ings of the hopelessly ignorant and systematically 
priest-perverted bulk of the Eomari Catholics in 
Germany ; the unscrupulous intrigues of the Mucker 
Jesuits and Saints of the Protestant popedom, which 
up to a very recent period had arrogated to itself 
supreme sway over the minds and intellects of the 
Prussian people ; the openly-declared hostility of 
the Junker party, and of a powerful section of the 
court and camarilla ; the occult influence of the 
Queen Dowager Elizabeth ; the secret sympathies of 
the Empress Augusta ; the tender scruples of Lasker 
and other leading Liberals ; the notorious strong 

O ' O 

reluctance of the Emperor "William to wage war 
against the Church of Eome in the full sense and 
to the full extent contemplated by the great mini- 
ster, and by all and every means even to the bitter 
end ; and last, though, strange to say, not least, 
under the circumstances, the thinly - veiled and 
scantily-disguised perhaps, but none the less patent, 
ill-will of certain English professed Protestant 
journals and their accredited correspondents in the 
Prussian capital. 



German Empire. 201 



Now, it is precisely public opinion in this country 
that Bismarck has always most ardently wished and 
most strenuously striven to conciliate. He has de- 
clared over and over again, that he looks upon 
England as the truest and stanchest bulwark of 
civil and religious liberty, and that he sets the 
highest store by all and any manifestations of 
sympathy and encouragement that reach him from 
here. 

The Jesuit Expulsion Law and the School In- 
spection Bill were the first great blows struck by 
Bismarck against the Ultramontanes and their adhe- 
rents. Both these measures excited the unbounded 
rage of the Eomanist faction. 

The Eomish bishops of Germany, of whom more 
anon in a special appendix to this memoir, assem- 
bled in council at Fulde, addressed a firm remon- 
strance to the imperial and royal governments of 
Germany and Prussia, in which the School Inspec- 
tion Bill and the Jesuit Expulsion Law were set 
forth as the two chief grievances. No wonder, in- 

O ' 

deed, for these two measures dealt the heaviest 
blow and discouragement to the Ultramontane clique 
in Germany. 

In all ages and in all countries the priestly caste 
has always made the most energetic and, unhappily, 
also the most successful efforts to secure in their 
own hands the education of the rising generation, 
that they might turn it to the perpetual enslavement 



i2(V2 Men trim In ice nt<l<; 



of the mind of man in the bonds of ignorance and 
superstition. 

Look at unhappy France. There the " Church ' 
has for some twenty years past and more had it all 
its own way in the matter of education. The Jesuits 
and their kindred orders have kept a firm hold of 
the upper and middle classes of society, while the 
Freres Ignorantins and de la Doctrine Chretienne 
have persistently guided the humble classes in the 
paths of densest darkness. 

The lamentable want of genius or of talent of a 
conspicuous order shown by the French officers in the 
late war may justly be attributed, in a great measure 
at least, to the Boeotising influence of their Jesuit 
education ; for the Holy Fathers of the Order of 
Loyola had somehow managed, under the empire, 
to gather the youth of the better classes of society 
almost exclusively in their own colleges, so that 
whilst the imperial lyceums and other secular educa- 
tional institutions could barely number their pupils 
by tens, the Jesuit colleges numbered them by 
hundreds. Thus, for instance, the great Jesuit college 
at Metz, now happily done away with by Bismarck, 
had of late years never less than six hundred pupils, 
whilst the Metz Imperial Lyceum could barely secure 
fifty, with all the aid of its free scholarships. 

Prussia, which people here have always been 
over-much inclined to look upon as the educational 
paradise of the world, has really and truly for the 



New German Empire. 203 

last thirty years or so, formed no exception to 
the general, not to say universal, rule of the fatal 
influence of the " Church ' -no matter of what 
denomination or sect upon the education of the 
people. 

When Prussia, after Jena, found herself laid even 
much lower than France after Sedan, the chief of 
the phalanx of eminent men who then devoted 
themselves to the regeneration of the fallen nation, 
the great Stein, in his " Memoir on the Proper Orga- 
nization of the Supreme State Departments, and 
the Provincial, Financial, and Police Departments 
in the Prussian Monarchy- -1807," gave it as his 
deliberate opinion that the " ecclesiastical department, 
as such, stands in no natural connection whatever with 
public instruction ; it can properly claim only the 
supervision over the churches and other ecclesiastical 
institutions. 

" Schools belong to its province only in so far as 
the religious instruction therein is concerned ; here 
it can accordingly never claim a right to direct, but 
simply to co-operate. As the direction of the ele- 
mentary and the higher and scientific instruction 
of the nation is quite different from the supervision 
over public worship, and as each of the two branches 
demands and pre- supposes distinct and quite specific 
acquirements and views, a separation of the two is 
absolutely necessary. The position of a minister of 
public instruction requires a man of high scientific 



JO 4 Mm irJtv hart' ma 7 ' 



attainments, and one fully conversant with the state 
of science of his period, and familiar with the dis- 
tinguished leaders and professors in every depart- 
ment of knowledge," 

Although the naiTOW-minded king could not, after 
the Liberation. War, be brought to consent to the 
carrying out Stein's programme to the full extent, 
and in the full sense in which the great minister 
had conceived it, more especially in the main and 
leading feature of a total separation of the two 
branches, Church and school, yet the new ministry 
of public worship, public instruction, and medical 
affairs, which was formed in 1817, was in a great 
measure organized upon the hints thrown out by 
Stein ; and the first minister of public worship, &c., 
Baron Altenstein, who held the office for twenty- 
three years, till his death in 1840, acted in Stein's 
spirit as much as circumstances would allow. And 
it may be conceded that, up to 1840, the school 
system in Prussia was commendable at least, and 

J 

might even in course of time have grown out of 
its imperfections. 

It was at this period, unhappily, that Frederick 
William IV. came to the throne, and with him 
came the baneful, blighting influence of his wife, 
Elizabeth of Bavaria, who had been brought up a 
devout, if not actually a bigoted, Komanist. From 
the very commencement of her career as queen she 
exerted her all-powerful influence over the feeble, 



New German Empire. 205 



mediaeval mind of her husband in favour of ob- 
scuration and retrogression, never once in the interest 
of enlightenment, progress, and freedom. 

She found a fit tins: instrument to work her mis- 

o 

chievous will in the notorious Eichhorn, to whom 
the ministry of public worship, &c., was intrusted 
in 1840, and who held the office till the March 
revolution in 1848, doinff incalculable harm to the 

7 O 

cause of education in Prussia, which his more 
liberal successors, Count Schwerin-Putzlar (March 
to June, 1848) and Jagetzow (June to November, 
1848), had not the time allowed them to counteract. 

Then came the reaction again ; though it must 
be admitted that Ladenberg, Otto von Eaumer, and 
more particularly Bethmann-Hollweg, tried at least 
to restore to public instruction a little of the healthy 
vigour of which it had been despoiled by Eichhorn 
in the interest of the set of Eomish Jesuits and 
Protestant Pietists and Muckers who, under the in- 
spiration and supreme guidance of the queen, held 
almost absolute sway over the mind of the king 
and over his resolutions, despite the strongest efforts 
of Alexander Humboldt, Bunsen, and other patriots 
to counteract their pernicious counsels. 

Jt was thus that the most monstrous concessions 
were made to the Eomish Church and hierarchy, 
and that a separate Catholic section in the ministry 
of public worship and public instruction was created, 
fatal concessions that have led, as might have 



206 Men trim /if (re ni<le file 

been foreseen, to the present Gordian entanglement, 
\vliirh thnv was n<>tliiii<j; left for Bisniaivk but to 

o 

cut with the trenchant blade of the most stringent 

o 

coercive measures. 

The ivigu of Frederick William II. is generally 
held to have been the most fatal to Prussia. Yet 
truly it was not so. The corpulent, un- Platonic 
lover of the daughters of Encke, the musician, the 
Countesses Matuschka and Lichtenau, was certainly 
not half so moral as the late brother of his present 
imperial majesty of Germany, nor possessed of one- 
tenth part of his mental accomplishments ; but 
although his gross misrule prepared, in the largest 
measure, the way for the catastrophe of 1806, his 
influence upon the fate and fortunes of the Prussian 
monarchy was not one-tenth part so mischievous 
and pernicious as that of his grandson, Frederick 
William IV. 

Even after the accession of the much stronger- 

o 

minded present ruler, school affairs remained for 
a full decennium in the same unsatisfactory and 
dangerous state, owing chiefly to the pernicious 
action of the successor of Bethmann-Hollwei? in 

o 

the ministry of public worship and public in- 
struction, the notorious Miihler, and his prompters 
and abettors Stiehle and Kriitzio\ 

o 

Under the baneful sway of this nefarious trium- 
virate of the densest obscurantists in the land, 
the schools in Prussia had at last become reduced 



New German Empire. 207 

to the most abject subjection to the arbitrary rule 
of a wretched set of clerical school inspectors, 
Protestant and Catholic, who, in the great majority 
of cases, unblushingly abused their official power 
and position to degrade education to an engine 
for crushing all mind, intellect, and independent 
free thought out of the rising generation. The 
clericals of both professions of faith were quite 
agreed in this, and walked their sorry way hand 
in hand in touching brotherly union. The war be- 
tween them would of course inevitably have come 
so soon as their common enemy, instruction and 
enlightenment, should have been laid low. 

O ' 

Thus, when the Catholic priests in Posen and 
West Prussia grossly abused their position as school 
inspectors by banishing even the teaching of German 
from the schools under their sway, the Protestant 
priests held their peace with the most perfect 
equanimity. When, to quote one instance out of 
an innumerable host, one Schwalm, a Catholic chap- 
lain holding the important office of inspector of 
schools in Dantzic, impudently dared to stigma- 
tize the appointment made by the magistrate of 
a Protestant sewing mistress in the Catholic 
section of a suburban female school as a " monstrous 
and unheard-of ; proceeding, and to cancel the ap- 
pointment in the most arbitrary manner, without 
the shadow of a claim to the exercise of his self- 
arrogated power in the matter, the Protestant Pietists 



208 3fen who licve 



found this proceeding quite ri^ht n.nd unobjection- 
able. 

Of course they on their part arrogated to themselves 
the same right of the most arbitrary and tyrannical 
interference in the schools of their own profession of 
faith ; and the Minister of Public Instruction himself, 
the late great Mtihler, of drinking and drunken songs' 
authorship notoriety, whilst carefully abstaining from 
all interference with these arrogant inspectors of 
schools, devoted all the energies of his powerful 
mind to the absolute exclusion of the Jew element 
from teach ership in " Christian schools." 

Thus, shortly before his happy downfall, he per- 
emptorily cancelled the appointment of a young 
Jewish master of mathematics to a corporation 
school in Westphalia, though the young teacher was 
thoroughly qualified in other respects, and of pure 
life and unblemished character. In this instance, 
however, the young Jew had his revenge : he wrote 
a public letter to the minister, in which he declared 
himself quite willing and ready to be received into 
the Christian community ; only, that he might not 
simply exchange the old error for a new- -perhaps 
worse variety of the same article- -he asked Mtihler, 
with childlike faith apparently, to be so condescending 
as to direct him to the proper selection of the branch 
or sect of the Christian faith to which he might with 
a clear conscience apostatize from the religion of his 
fathers. The minister returned no reply to this 



New German Empire. 209 

application ; but the corporation were permitted for 
once to uphold the appointment made by them. 

Now it was this very system of supreme clerical 
rule over the schools, so fraught with the deepest 
danger to the cause of education, to which Bismarck 
had put an end with the most able aid of Dr. Falk, 
the successor of Muhler in the ministry of public 
worship and public instruction, a man of large and 
liberal views, who conies fully up, in most respects 
at least, to Stein's beau ideal of what a com- 
petent minister of public instruction in Prussia 
ought to be. 

The means by which this great revolution in the 
Prussian school system has been accomplished may 
look extremely simple, being only a bill providing 
that, whilst clergymen of all confessions shall remain 
bound to accept the position of school inspector of 
their district if offered to them by the state, they 
shall no longer be entitled to claim that position as a 
privilege ex officio, as most unhappily had been the 
case up to the time when the bill passed, to the 
grievous injury of, and sad detriment to, the best 
and truest interests of the state and the people. But, 
properly worked, this simple means will suffice to 
destroy the inordinate and dangerous influence of the 
" Churches " over the schools. 

The considerable rise granted by government and 
parliament in the salaries of schoolmasters of every 
class and degree, cannot but powerfully contribute to 

VOL. i. P 



210 Men who have made the 

raise the schoolmaster sufficiently high in the con- 
sciousness of his own worth arid in the estimation of 
his fellow- citizens, to give him the will and the power 
to resist any act of tyranny which his self-arrogated 
clerical superiors may be tempted to exercise against 
him in future. 

The municipalities and communes have also had 
conceded to them for the future a much more potent 
voice and determining influence in their own schools 
than they had for many years been permitted to have 
and exercise, more particularly during the ten years 
of Miihler's tenure of office, which saw sadder work 
done in the case of the densest obscuration than even 
during the time when the notorious Eichhorn swayed 
the destinies of the rising generation in Prussia. It 
was high time, indeed, that the government and the 
nation should return to the good old sound traditions 
of the Prussian state in church and school matters. 

Who knows but that Bismarck and Falk, thoroughly 
trusted by the honest old emperor, and with the sym- 
pathies of the Crown Prince in favour of their views, 
may carry their school reform at no distant period, 
even to the extent of the absolute separation of 
Church and school ? 

But this very thing, in which every man of liberal 
mind in the land rejoiced, naturally filled the minds 
of the black gentry with dismay and rage, as they 
clearly saw the education of the rising generation slip 
away at last from their desperately tenacious grasp. 



New German Empire. 211 

Hence the episcopal objurgations on the subject of 
the School Inspection Bill. To account for the epis- 
copal rage anent the Jesuits Expulsion Law, it need 
simply to be borne in mind that, as the Jesuits are 
the black janissaries of the Pope, so the Komanist 
bishops are the violet janissaries of the order of 
Loyola. It was quite natural then, and should excite 
no surprise, that the Jesuit Expulsion Law should 
have been found figuring as the second chief count 
in the frenzied bill of indictment fulminated by the 
holy fathers of the Episcopal Council of Fulda against 
the imperial and royal governments and legislatures 
of Germany and Prussia. 

When Loyola first bethought him of laying the 
foundation of what was so speedily to develop, under 
his much abler successors in the generalship of the 
Jesuits, into the most formidable politico religious 
order the world has ever known, the chief intent 
and purpose which he had more immediately in view 
was to stamp out the reforming movements in the 
Church of Komc, and to restore thereby the undis- 
puted catholicity or universality of that Church, so 
grievously assailed and endangered at the time by 
the progress of that movement. 

Those who came after him, more especially the 
consummate political generals who ruled the order 
from the first half of the seventeenth to the latter 
half of the eighteenth century, pursued much wider 
views and larger aims. They were unswervingly 

p 2 



212 Men who hci.ve made the 

bent upon forcing the Christian world back some four 
or five centuries, and restoring the power and prestige 
of the Roman popedom to what it had been in the 
halcyon days of Gregory VII. , Alexander III., 1 
Innocent III., Gregory IX., 2 and Innocent IV., 3 when 
the popes of Rome could proudly lord it over kings, 
emperors, and nations. 

To the attainment of this end, happily impossible 
even in the seventeenth century, they devoted all 
their energies and all the vast resources of their 
deep priestcraft and statecraft ; and they brought to 
bear upon it the whole formidable power of that 
numerous yet select society of men of higher intelli- 
gence and superior acquirements, whom a judiciously- 
conceived organization, based upon the principle of 
mute subordination and unquestioning obedience, had 
compacted as it were into a single body, every part 



A great man, and one of the very few worthy popes that have 
done honour to St. Peter's Chair. 

Count Hugolin of Signia, nephew of Innocent III. He was 
eighty years old at the time of his election (1226). Yet for full 
fifteen years the marvellous old man wielded, with undiminished 
vigour and preponderating success, the spiritual arm and the 
temporal arm of the Church of Rome against the second Frederick 
of the house of Hohenstaufen. He died in 1241, at the age of 
ninety -five. 

Sinibald Fiesco, Count of Lavagna, a Genoese lord. He was 
one of the most unscrupulous of men, even of popes. He practised 
through life the principle erected at a later period into an axio- 
matic maxim by the Jesuits, that the end justifies and sanctifies the 
means. 



New German Empire. 213 

and member of which would blindly execute the 
orders of the supreme chief, in whom alone was vested 
the absolute command over the whole. 

The pursuit of such an aim as this, which must 
necessarily involve in the end the subjection of the 
temporal power of kings and princes to the supreme 
spiritual authority of the Eoman pontiff, could not 
but be attended with frequent collisions with the 
secular powers that were. So it came naturally to 
pass in the course of time, that even the most devout 
rulers of the most Catholic lands in which the Jesuits 
had at first been received more or less with open' 
arms, were led to look with suspicion and dislike 
upon the order, whose intrigues and machinations, 
open and occult, threatened to undermine their legiti- 
mate authority, and to force the State into unworthy 
subjection to the Church. 

Thus France was led to adopt stringent measures 
against the Society of Jesus. The great Pombal 
expelled the order from Portugal. The kings of Spain 
and Naples protested energetically at Kome against 
the subversive action of the Loyolites in their 
dominions ; and at last the Emperor Joseph II. of 
Austria succeeded in inducing Pope Clement XIV. 
(Ganganelli) to decree the total abolition of the order 
by the famous Bull " Dominus ac redemptor noster '' 
(23rd of July, 1773, promulgated the 19th of August 
of the same year). 

It looked at the time as if this pestilent society 



J14 M''/i tt'hu hacc /mult 1 the 



had iveeived its death-blow ; even the pious .Maria 
Theresa, the EnipTor Joseph's mot In -r, who still 
continued su[ireine ruler ill her own states, <;ive 
way reluetantlv at last to the Pope's representations 
that she owed obedience to the commands of the 
Church, and consented to the expulsion of the fathers 
from her dominions. 

But it soon turned out that the snake had not 
even been scotched. Poor Ganganelli had speedily to 
pay the penalty of his boldness. The enraged sons 
of Loyola had him removed by a dose of poison- 
a warning to all succeeding popes that might do 
aught to provoke their unscrupulous enmity. 

Catherine II. of Russia and Frederick the Great 
of Prussia opened their states to the proscribed order, 
who soon found their way back again, however, under 
changed designations and a variety of spurious and 
lying pretences, to the lands from which they had 
been expelled ; and when another infallible pope 
solemnly reinstated the order, it was discovered that 
it had never for the briefest period of time allowed 
its existence to be interrupted or suspended. 

And so it has come to pass at last that the Society 
of Jesus is found in most countries of Europe, not 
excepting even the British Isles, to have obtained in 
this second half of the nineteenth century a wider 
and more dangerous influence than ever before ; and 
everywhere it is pursuing the same pernicious aims 
by the same pernicious means as of yore. 



New German Empire. 215 

" Sint ut sunt, aut non sint" was the great Jesuit 
General Kicci's reply to the Pope's urgent prayer 
that he would allow the needful modification, how- 
ever slight, of the organization and the avowed 
objects of the order. These men are unchanged, 
unchanging, and unchangeable. There can be no 
doubt but Father Bekx, the present general of the 
order, would return the same reply as Bicci if a suc- 
cessor of Pius IX, were to urge the same request 
upon him. 

With such men then as these there is no possi- 
bility of coming to terms. War once declared against 
them, it must be carried on with unabating and 
UD relenting vigour and rigour, by all and every 
means, to their utter destruction and uprooting 
from the soil of the land as an organized body, just 
as the state would rightly crush out of existence 
any other band leagued against its peace and 
security. 

It was in this light the great chancellor looked 
upon the matter, and it was in this spirit that the 
law expelling the order from the German empire had 
been conceived, and that it has been essential since, 
despite some weak, isolated attempts at resistance, 
which have simply tended to show the utter futility 
of all opposition to the law on the part of the holy 
fathers expelled, and of their aiders and abettors 
among the Komisli clergy and laity in Germany. 

In the Grand Duchy of Hesse, indeed, or rather 



21 G Men who have mwlc the 

in Mayi'inv, I'.ishop Krttler fancied himself so firmly 
rooted that even liismaivk could not remove him 
from his seat; and in this pleasing delusion, fostered 
by the peculiar circumstances in which the Grand 
Dudiv of Hesse had found itself placed for many 



years past, he absolutely ventured to afford pro- 
tection to the exiled Jesuits within the apparently 
charmed circle of his own diocese. 

Certain English writers upon the subject, who 
would really seem never to be able to look beneath 
the surface appearance of things, went so far as to 
proclaim to the world that Kettler's stronghold in 
Mayence was impregnable. These gentlemen over- 
looked the important fact that Dalwigk, and his 
creatures who replaced him after his inevitable down- 
fall, brought about by the late Franco-German war, 
had finally been kicked out from office and power, 
and that it had been entirely due to their and their 
master's most unpatriotic conduct and principles that 
William Kettler had ever been enabled to arrogate 
to himself the insolent sway which he had been so 
long permitted to exercise in a province of Germany 
which numbers more than two-thirds Protestants to 
considerably less than one- third Catholics. 

Even in Alsace-Lorraine, where the peculiar situ- 
ation of the country, and the exceptional circum- 
stances and conditions of the case, had seemed to 
render the unsparing, rigorous execution of the new 
law extended to the new imperial territory a matter 



Neiv German Empire. 217 

of extreme delicacy, if not actual danger, the thing 
has been accomplished with comparative ease and 
quiet. 

In Alsace, Bishop Andreas Eas of Strasburg has 
for a great number of years held ecclesiastic sway 
over the Catholic portion of the population. He 
also is a member of the Jesuit body, though he 
craftily eludes pleading guilty to the soft impeach- 
ment. This worthy son of Loyola is not only a 
notable Jesuit himself, but he is the prime cause 
also of Jesuitry in the land. 

Alsace-Lorraine rejoiced, up to two years ago, in 
the possession of three very large and most in- 
fluential Jesuit establishments, of which the two 
principal ones \vere located respectively in Strasburg 
and Metz. 

In the latter city there stood, more than twenty 
years ago, one of the greatest military establish- 
ments in France, the old Buanderie Militaire, or 
Military Laundry, and the vast storehouse of beds 
and bedding for the French army, which occupied 
the space of two entire streets. In olden times this 
extensive range of buildings had been a convent. 
Louis Napoleon, anxious to secure for himself the 
support of the clergy in France, ceded this splendid 
property to the Jesuits for the ridiculously small 
sum of 16,000. The fathers increased their new 
estate still further by the purchase of some land 
and buildings adjoining. Here the famous Jesuit 



Jfni icho liarc -made, the 



college of Metz flourished for nearly twenty years, 
up to about t\vo years ago, when Bismarck's 
measure bade the holy fathers remove to other 
quarters beyond the frontiers of Alsace-Lorraine. 

The seminary in Strasburg was another impor- 
tant establishment of the order. A third was lo- 
cated at Issigheim, if I mistake not. Besides these 
three chief seats of the Jesuits in Alsace-Lorraine, a 
great number of larger or lesser so-called missions 
and stations of the society had been thickly strewn 
all over the land by the Bishop of Strasburg, whom 
they enabled to hold despotic sway over the souls 
and minds of the Catholic population. 

All, or at least the immense majority, of these 
Jesuit establishments were creations, children, as it 
were, of the bishop, who accordingly bore them 
the most ardent affection. Judge, then, of the 
holy man's dismay when he found that the law 
which ordained the expulsion of his pets from the 
territory of the German empire had, by dictatorial 
decree, been extended over the newly re-annexed 
provinces. 

He frantically rushed up to Berlin, where he 
craved and obtained audience of the Empress 
Augusta and the late Dowager Queen Elizabeth. 
His tearful representations made no doubt a deep 
and painful impression upon the minds of these 
august ladies, only too much disposed to sympathize 
with his grievances. But somehow the chancellor 



New German Empire. 219 

was on the watch, and, it is said, made effective 
use of the old Gregorian injunction, " Taceat mulier 
in Ecclesid" 

The bishop was subsequently called to Eome by 
his supreme chief, Father Bekx. Upon his return 
to Strasburg, he tried his blandishments and ob- 
jurgations upon Chief President Moller, the then Im- 
perial Governor-General of Alsace-Lorraine. He 
passionately pleaded with him to delay for six 
months the execution of the law. His excellency, 
one of the most kind-hearted and amiable of men, 
was weak enough to promise the suppliant bishop 
a certain respite, and also the widest possible in- 
dulgence in the execution of the law. Upon his 
return to his mansion in the Judengasse, Andreas 
Eas greeted his anxiously-expectant Jesuit brethren 
with the exulting shout, "La victoire est d nous!' 

O ' 

He went about afterwards proudly boasting that 
his influence had actually paralyzed the chancellor's 
mighty arm. 

A few days after his joy was turned to bitterest 
grief. Peremptory orders were received from Berlin 
to carry the law into effect without delay. Then, 
when he thus found the fox's brush had failed, he 
tried to don the lion's skin. He drew up a 
' petition ' to the imperial government in bold 
and bombastic terms, more than verging upon the 
insolent and insulting, and sent copies of it to all 
the Catholic vicars, curates, and chaplains in Alsace, 



1220 Mi'it /'7/n have nm<l' the 

enjoining them to obtain the signatures of their 
parishioners to it. 

He now reaped the reward of his twenty years' 
successful efforts not to educate his flocks ; the 
petition showed a lamentably small number of 
genuine signatures to it ; alas ! the would-be peti- 
tioners were innocent of the noble art of writing. 
Not that it would have mattered much had every 
man, woman, and child in the land been able to 
sign it. When the bishop found all protests and 
supplications unavailing, he wisely submitted to 
the inevitable, and advised his brethren in the order 
to submit to it likewise. So the measure was carried 
out quietly and effectively. 

In a few instances only there was a show of re- 
sistance made : thus, at one of the Jesuit stations 
near Strasburg, the head priest haughtily told the 
German official who came to signify the order of 
closing the house and chapel and leaving the country, 
that the chapel had been intrusted to his spiritual 
care by Bishop Ras, and that he declined to receive 
orders from any other authority except the bishop's 
own. The dull German simply shrugged his shoulders, 
intimating a hope that the holy fathers would spare 
him the annoyance of having to employ force 
for their removal. The head of the station then 
asked for a fortnight's delay, which was cheerfully 
granted. 

Emboldened by the official's ready acquiescence, 



New German Empire. 221 

he asked for permission also to continue saying mass 
in the chapel. This, too, was conceded without 
hesitation, only the awkward proviso was tacked to 
the concession, that the ceremony must be performed 
strictly in private, without the assistance of the 
usual congregation of the faithful. " For this, sir," 
exclaimed the irate priest, " we require not your 
permission." " Why did you ask me for it, then ? ; 
was the stolid German's reply. 

This part of the chancellor's programme had now 
been duly accomplished. But it still remained for 
him to deal with the bishops, who coolly continued 
to set the law of the land openly at defiance. Here 
the struggle grew harder and fiercer than ever 
before. The consideration of this part of the ques- 
tion had, however, better be reserved for the special 
appendix to this memoir. For proper connection's 
sake, it may simply be stated here, that in the autumn 
of 1872 a most desperate effort was made by the 
wretched coalition of the court and camarilla clique, 
the priests and the petticoats, and the Junkers and 
the Pietists, to work upon certain pious scruples of 
the emperor, to induce him to withhold his sanction 
from the Catholic Church Affairs Eegulation Bill 
then contemplated by Bismarck and Falk. 

With his marvellous astuteness, the great minister, 
dreading lest his imperial master should be half 
inclined to hesitate, even after the eleventh hour, 
in his onward progress towards the final annihilation 



'2 '2 '2 M^cn n'/ t <> Jutre mrnt<' 



of Romisli pretensions in the (J-rin;iii empire ; an<l 
rightly judging how formidable the power of tin* 
hostile forces arrayed against him. might prove 
in a supreme struggle on a field where he might 
hope only for a half-hearted support perhaps in the 
most important quarter, he, with his habitual mas- 
terly adroitness, quietly changed the venue, and 
f < ured his enemies to accept battle on a very different 
I'M -Id, where he knew that the emperor-king would 
go frankly along with him. 

Ever since 1866 the prince-chancellor had been 
hard at work to indoctrinate his royal master 
with the sound state maxim, that a nation which 
cheerfully bears the heavy burden of universal com- 
pulsory military service has the most indisputable 
right also to the fullest local self-government ; and 
that the feudal privileges claimed and exercised by 
a comparatively infinitesimally small caste, privileges 
dating from the darkest and worst days of the middle 
ages, are just as hurtful to the well-understood 
interests of the crown as to the general welfare of 
the nation at large. 

Now it takes a long time indeed to teach old King 
AVilliani anything new ; but when the Prussian 
monarch has once thoroughly mastered a lesson 
taught him by his great teacher and guide, he may 
safely be relied upon to go in heart and soul for the 
new idea he has admitted into his mind. 

This maxim proved to be true now ; and the result 



New German Empire. 223 

was a project of law entitled the Kreisordnung, 
which was at the time variously designated in this 
country as the Counties Administration Bill, or the 
Districts Administration Bill, or the Local Government 
Bill, but which might have been more appropriately 
defined as the " Communal Self-government and 
Feudal Privileges Abolition Bill/' 

This bill was the most important measure submitted 
to the Prussian parliament since Prussia has had the 
grant of an embryo constitution bestowed upon her 
by the crown. It had been carried by a large 
majority in the Lower House towards the end of the 
preceding session. The Upper House had pleaded 
the near approach of the close of the session, and the 
ministry had consented to let the bill stand over till 
the next meeting of parliament in October, 1872. 

Now, though the ministry might in a measure have 
been held committed to submit this bill as soon as 
practicable to the Upper House, yet it was not abso- 
lutely incumbent upon them to do so. They might, 
had they so listed, have opened the campaign in the 
Lower House with their Catholic Clergy Coercion Bill ; 
and this would most likely have been done, had not 
Bismarck thought there were substantial grounds for 
dreading the fatal influence of the action that had 
been brought to bear upon the mind of the king 
during the parliamentary recess. So he craftily 
elected to open the campaign in the Upper House, 
where he might succeed in getting his most rabid 



221 M'cit fin lir<' ni<li' tin' 



adversaries of (lie com I lined clerical and Junker 
] tarlics to run their heads hard against hLs majesty's 
declared will and pleasure. 

Km- the king, once convinced of the necessity of 
the Communal Self-government and Feudal Privileges 
Aliolitioii Hill, had taken the project of law under 
his own personal protection as it were, and had 
oprnlv proclaimed his firm determination to see the 
lill carried, despite all factious opposition of the 
Upper House. And the Feudalists, with the usual 
blindness of their class, tumbled beautifully into the 
pit dug for them by the astute chancellor. They 
opened the old king's eyes to the true worth of their 
fulsome protestations of unswerving loyalty to the 
crown. They almost contemptuously disregarded 
the royal demands and representations, and, by an 
overwhelming majority, threw out a measure which 
their royal master had entreated them to pass. Hence- 
forth, then, the old alliance between the crown and 
the Upper House might well be looked upon as 
dissolved. 

Certain organs of the English press took the oppor- 
tunity thus presented to them to criticise the position 
which King William seemed to have taken up in this 
matter. Up to that time our journalists had gene- 
rally delighted in denying the existence in Prussia 
of anything approaching a constitution. Prussia, in 
their eyes, and in their double-leaded leaders, was 
simply an absolute monarchy, draped in the flimsy 



New German Empire. 225 

gauze of a sham constitution. Now they would 
suddenly turn round and cry, "Haro ; upon the 
king for his " intended violation 3 of the "Prussian 
Constitution ! ' 

One Tory organ sneeringly characterized the re- 
jected bill as but a clumsy imitation of the English 
system, and an attempt to supersede the long-enjoyed 
privileges of the more opulent peasantry. According 
to the eminent politician who was thus airing his 
knowledge of Prussia and Prussian institutions, such 
a scheme might be successfully recommended to the 
country in due course of time ; but for the time then 
being the tone of the Cabinet of Berlin was too 
high and mighty for any nation thinking itself in- 
dependent to brook. Then followed some ravings 
about " virtual civil war/' and other dreadful things 
to be apprehended from the threatened action of the 
crown. A well-known radical paper chimed in with 
these rabid denunciations, exclaiming about open 
violation of constitutional rights, extreme course of 
proroguing a parliamentary session, illegal adjourn- 
ments of the Diet, and so forth. 

These writers committed the fundamental error of 
confounding the Prussian Upper House with the 
British House of Peers. They ignored the fact that 
the Prussian Upper House is a creation, in a measure, 
of the crown ; that there are comparatively few here- 
ditary peers holding seats in it, and that the univer- 
sities and larger cities and towns are represented in it. 

VOL, i. Q 



i2:26 Men- '!><> have made fl- 

Its re-organization, bnsrd upon a very liberal exten- 
sion of the representative principle, would be perfectly 
legal, and certainly not one- tenth part so anti-con- 
stitutional as the swamping of the hereditary House 
of Lords would have been in the time of the Reform 
Bill, if carried out as then threatened. 

These writers also strangely shut their eyes to the 
patent fact, that the Communal Self-government and 
Feudal Privileges Abolition Bill was the joint work of 
crown and commons. Now it is a self-understood 
axiom in all constitutional states, that whenever two 
out of the three great legislative factors are agreed, 
the opposition of the third factor can at the most 
retard but for a session or two the accomplishment of 
the joint will of the two other factors. Even tough 
William III. of England had to bow to this constitu- 
tional doctrine, and to change his sulky " Le Roy 
s'avisera" to a gracious "Le Roy le veult" And it 
may surely be presumed that the Prussian Upper House 
cannot be held a more important and a more mighty 
factor in the constitutional system of Prussia than 
King William III. was in that of England at the end 
of the seventeenth century. 

It was in this light that the Prussian people viewed 
the matter, and the nation at large would have been 
delighted if the " intended violation of the Prussian 
Constitution," so sternly and severely denounced by 
the constitutionalists of the British press, had been 
actually " perpetrated ; by crown and country. But 



New German Empire. 227 

it was not to be so. Bismarck, indeed, counselled 
a radical reform of the Upper House, and a reform 
such as would rid him and the land of the coalesced 
clerical and feudalist opposition to all liberal progress. 

Had the minister been able to be personally present 
in Berlin immediately after the rejection of the 
Districts Administration Bill by the Upper House, there 
can hardly be a doubt that he would have exercised 
his usual ascendant over the mind of Boon, and that 
the radical reform of that house proposed by him 
would have been voted by the cabinet. Unfortunately, 
illness detained him forcibly at Varzin, and his 
coalesced enemies had thus every opportunity afforded 
them to turn his absence from the scene of action 
at this critical juncture to the most effective use in 
the interest of the clerico -feudalist cause. 

As the chancellor could not come to Berlin at the 
right time, his and the country's deadliest enemies, 
clerical and feudalist, had the rare chance afforded 
them of fighting the battle, so to speak, with united 
forces against the weaker wing of the army on the 
other side, and in the absence of its dread leader 
and commander-in-chief. 

When Kleitz-Retzow and Senfft-Pilsach, and their 
tail of petrified mediaeval Junkerdom, had, in con- 
temptuous disregard of the king's wishes, and in 
cool defiance of his anger, thrown out the Districts 
Administration Bill so warmly and specially com- 
mended to them on his majesty's behalf by Count 

Q 2 



228 M'-n t'-J/o have made the 

Eulenburg- -hia said majesty was very wroth indeed ; 
and if amour about liis person had chosen at the 
time to work upon his ruffled feelings, it is by no 
means unlikely that the world might even have been 
startled by a decree of abolition of the Prussian 
Upper House, charmingly simple, without preamble or 
tug, issued from the king's private cabinet. 

The proper course, which would have suggested 
itself at once to a truly constitutional sovereign, 
would have been to close the parliamentary session, 
re-open immediately a new one, pass the bill just 
rejected by the Upper House once more through the 
Lower House, and ask the lords again to deal with it ; 
in the event of its rejection, to dissolve the Lower 
House, and appeal to the country. Then, as the 
result of this appeal could not be doubtful, crown 
and commons might, with perfect constitutional 
propriety, have united in devising effective means 
of reforming the Upper House altogether. 

There is strong reason to believe that this truly 
constitutional course of action was actually recom- 
mended to the king by his great minister ; but his 
majesty declined to act upon the advice, most 
probably for the very reason that it was sound con- 
stitutional counsel. Prince Bismarck then recom- 
mended an immediate large increase of the Liberal 
element in the Upper House sufficiently large, in 
fact, not only to insure the passing of the Districts 
Administration Bill, but to carry the whole series 



New German Empire. 229 

of important measures wliicli he and Falk had devised 
to break the power of Ultramontanism in Prussia and 
Germany. It was precisely at this juncture that his 
personal presence in Berlin would have been of the 
greatest importance. Yet, in the very teeth of this 
self-evident fact, we were repeatedly assured at the 
time by the Berlin correspondent of an influential 
London daily newspaper, that Prince Bismarck's late 
asserted illness was naught but sham and illusion ; in 
fact, that the chancellor had never been better in his 
life than during this prolonged absence from the 
capital, and that his pretended sickness had simply 
been an " unworthy comedy ! ' 

The Junkers had meanwhile seen the mistake which 
they had committed in rejecting the Districts 
Administration Bill. They began to discern clearly 
the threatening danger of their annihilation as a 
powerful political party. So did their clerical allies, 
who saw also that a radical reform in the organization 
of the Upper House would take away from them the 
last chance of resistance to the chancellor's projected 
coercion laws against their insolent pretensions and 
arrogant encroachments. They urged the feudalists, 
therefore, to avert the threatening blow by a timely 
submission to the king's will in the matter of the 
Districts Administration Bill. The advice was taken, 
of course, as the best thing that could be done under 
the circumstances. 

Now certain august ladies had insidiously advised 



Men trliu }.<('<> t/nnfi' the 



his majesty not to decide in hot haste upon the steps 
to be taken, and t<> endeavour to soothe his ruffled 
feelings first by the excitement and pleasure of the 
chase. So the king went a-hunting, surrounded 
solely by the stanchest representatives of Junker- 
dom. Counts Stolberg and Minister got the monarch, 
as it were, absolutely to themselves. They were able 
to place before his majesty the Junkers' expression of 
deep regret that they should have offended the king, 
and their proffered humble submission to his majesty's 
will in the matter of the Districts Administration 
Bill. The king was artfully reminded of the days of 
the conflict, and how loyally the " nobility ' had then 
stood by his majesty against the "arrogant preten- 
sions ' of the Lower House to interfere with the 
monarch's great military reorganization plan. They 
succeeded with the king one feels almost tempted 
to add "of course/' considering the Prussian ruler's 
temper and disposition. So his majesty's anger was 
appeased, and court and camarilla set to work to 
make the monarch relinquish the intended radical 
reform of the Upper House. 

Count Koon also, who always had a considerable 
spice of the Junker in him, was hard beset by his 
colleagues of the Upper House to save their " time- 
honoured noble institution " from the " degradation ' 
threatening it at the sacrilegious hands of the levelling 
chancellor. 

Selchow and Itzenplitz, seeing how matters stood, 



New German Empire. 231 

and how they were likely to go, suddenly took it into 
their heads to declare that they had themselves 
objected to the Districts Administration Bill, and that 
there certainly was no need, in their opinion, of a 
radical reform of the Upper House. 

And so it came to pass that Bismarck's intended 
great measure, which would have thoroughly cleared 
the field for a truly liberal policy in Prussia and in 
the whole of Germany, was dwarfed down into a 
paltry creation of twenty-five life-peers, all of them, 
moreover, of a more or less Conservative complexion. 

The chancellor of course felt deeply indignant, 
and he made no secret of his feelings upon his return 
to Berlin. It mattered little to him that the Districts 
Administration Bill had been voted at last by the 
lords, with some immaterial modifications. He clearly 
saw that his anti-Romish policy would be sure to meet 
with strenuous opposition in the Upper House, even 
should the king not explicitly withdraw his sanction 
from the projected measures, which there was but too 
much reason to fear, however, he might be prevailed 
upon to do by the incessant representations and 
petitionings of the Empress Augusta and the Queen 
Dowager Elizabeth. 

There was one thing the chancellor was deter- 
mined to insist upon, viz., unity of purpose and 
action in his own cabinet. His emphatic declar- 
ation to this effect led to the tender of Selchow's 
resignation, Itzenplitz expressing his intention to 



,2 M< a n'lio titir, made the 

follow suit. Count Roon, who had really always shown 

the dncerest friendship and the most deferential 

esteem for the great chancellor, felt, most likely, 

-retry annoyed in his own heart that he should 

have allowed a set of designing men to use his 

power and influence against his friend and chief for 

their own somewhat dubious and cloudy purposes. 

The count, an old man, by no means in the en- 
joyment of robust health, had for some time past 
been feeling the increasing infirmities of old age. It 
is no secret, that immediately upon the conclusion of 
peace he had begged the emperor to allow him to 
withdraw from the cares and labours of office. The 
emperor, however, who has the best reason to know 
that Roon is the greatest and most genial military 
organizer of the present age, would not comply 
with the request. Still, as the organization of the 
new German army was then nearly completed, it 
was thought that General Stiehle, an officer of the 
highest merit, and second only to Roon for talent 
and power as an organizer, who has for some time 
past held the position of Director of the General 
AVar Department, might easily replace Roon in the 
War Office. 

Such being the position of affairs, Count Roon 
tendered his resignation anew to the kino-, and there 

O Q7 

appeared thus for a time a fair prospect of the 
elimination of the Conservative element from the 
Bismarck ministry, and the importation into it of 



New German Empire. 233 

Liberal blood instead. This would certainly have 
been the most natural and the most desirable 
solution. 

It is one of the most strongly-marked, and, to 
speak the honest truth, not one of the least esti- 
mable features in the truly upright character of 
King William, that he will to the last extremity 

i 

firmly stand by any and every old servant of the 
crown, even against his own better judgment. So 
it need not be marvelled at that it should have 
taken Bismarck so many years to purge his cabinet 
of the worst obstructives of the set- -to wit, Bodel- 
schwingh, Lippe, and Milhler. It may be easily 
judged, then, how his majesty was affected by 
the resignation tendered him by S el chow, Itzenplitz, 
and Eoon. 

Selehow is a man after King William's own heart. 
He is just the sort of respectable mediocrity in whose 
presence the monarch may feel perfectly at ease, in 
the clear consciousness of his own mental and in- 
tellectual superiority ; and the history of all ages 
has demonstrated how highly kings value this quali- 
fication in their ministers. How many great states- 
men have fallen, simply because the masters whom 
they served felt oppressed in their presence by the 
consciousness of their own inferiority to them ! 

Stein's vast genius was too much for poor Frede- 
rick William III. to bear. That king's son and suc- 
cessor, Frederick William IV., would never have 



12 :U Mcii icho hare made the 

nidi in his cabinet above the intellectual calibre of 
a Manteuffe] or nn iMchhorn. 

It is one of tlu' most convincing proofs of King 
William's immense superiority over both his father 
and his brother, that he has been able to go on 
so lon^ with two such men as Bismarck and Moltke. 

o 

This, however, certainly does not preclude Iris better 
liking for smaller men. So Selchow's tender of resig- 
nation affected his majesty rather unpleasantly than 
otherwise. 

Still this might have been got over as the event, 
indeed, has proved in the end. The king might 
also have spared Itzenplitz from his council. But 
Koon ! the man who had so laboriously, so skilfully, 
and so patiently forged the exquisitely-tempered 
weapon with which the king had wrested supremacy 
in Germany from the grasp of Austria, supremacy 
in Europe from the grasp of France ! No ! the 
thing was not to be thought of. The king refused 
to accept the count's resignation, leaving Prince 
Bismarck thus to go on with the old cabinet un- 
changed as best he might, and thereby completely 
crippling him in his anti-Popish and anti-Feudalist 
policy as the august ladies had foreseen, who had 
throughout the entire course of these wretched in- 
trigues been the guiding spirits of this unpatriotic 
plot. 

It was at this very juncture, it would appear, 
that the chancellor received trustworthy information 



New German Empire. 235 

that the highest ladies in the land were at the head 
of a female association for the protection of the 
Eomish religion, and more especially to enable the 
Jesuit fraternity to set at defiance the law of expul- 
sion passed against them. He also learnt that one 
of the queen's chamberlains, Count Schaffgotsch, was 
reported to have been contributing largely to the 
Eomish agitation fund, established for waging war 
against the best and truest interests of the land, the 
nation, and the Crown ; also, that the said nobleman 
had quite recently paid the fine inflicted upon a 
Polish -Kornish agitator for treasonable practices. 

The prince made a report to his majesty upon the 
subject. He did this in his capacity as minister-pre- 
sident of the council, with a view most likely to open 
the monarch's eyes to the pernicious effects of these 
vile popish leanings in the highest quarters. In the 
eyes of King William, domestic quiet would appear 
to be a blessing that cannot be purchased too dearly. 
So the petticoats got once more the better of the 
great minister, his majesty contenting himself with 
recording on the chancellor's report some vague 
intention of " looking into the matter at some future 
time." 

It was in his capacity as premier of the Prussian 
Cabinet that Prince Bismarck experienced this semi- 
defeat. He clearly foresaw that other, perhaps more 
striking and bitter, defeats might soon be in store for 
him, should his duty as premier compel him to place 



hare. made the 



certain other pregnant facts before his majesty, and 
ailvise appropriate action thereon. 

This was ;i short time before the latest Papal 
Allocution, when the Eoma no-feudalist reaction was 
in full flow, and when there was reason for the 
gravest apprehension lest the king should be driven, 
by the fatal influence of his own wife and of his 
brother's widow, into a positive withdrawal of his 
sanction from the projected anti-clerical measures. 
Nay, there seemed but too much reason then to 
fear lest the presumably most effective of these in- 
tended laws, and therefore also the most objectionable 
to the Romish crew the Civil Marriage Act had 

o 

been smothered even ere its birth. 

Prince Bismarck was holding three distinct offices, 
to wit, the chancellorship of the German empire, the 
premiership of the Prussian Cabinet, and the Prussian 
secretaryship for Foreign Affairs. Each of these 
three offices entails upon the holder an amount of 
actual hard work more than sufficient to tax the 
utmost energies of even a great statesman. Bis- 
marck, the hardest worker of the age, somehow 
managed to bear the combined burthen of the three 
without sinking or even flagging under its weight. 

The most arduous task which the premiership 
entailed upon him was certainly the necessity of 
having to explain and defend his progressist home 
measures, first in a more than semi- Conservative 
cabinet, then to convince the king of their absolute 



New German Empire- 237 

necessity, and obtain his sanction to them in the teeth 
of the formidable opposing influences of court and 
camarilla, priests, petticoats, Junkers, and Muckers. 
It is a wonder how even the Titan Bismarck could 
so long have sustained the incessant fierce struggle 
which this involved, and the harassing stretch on 
which it must have kept his mind. 

If the prince were an ordinary statesman he would 
certainly have retired in disgust from a task seemingly 
growing more and more impracticable the nearer it 
was being pushed towards the ultimate goal he was 
striving to attain- -the creation of a socially, politi- 
cally, religiously, and intellectually free constitutional 
German empire. 

But Bismarck is a man of a very different stamp. 
His burning patriotism can only be extinguished by 
the cold hand of death. So when he found himself 
thwarted in the highest quarter in his wisely-devised 
home policy, he bethought him that there remained 
much for him to do also in the equally important 
foreign branch of his gigantic plan, and that he might, 
if pushed hard for it, safely leave perhaps the realiza- 
tion of his views and aspirations on the inner 
political and religious field to time and to the altera 
spes Germanice, the Crown Prince. So the prince 
resolved to tender to the king his resignation of the 
post of premier of Prussia. 

We were told at the time by the self-same high 
authority of the British press who had asserted 



12I3S Men it'll') Ixtrr i, nnlc tl> 

Bismarck's unbearable brutality of manner, and pooh- 
poohed the statement of his illness with such charm- 
ing assumption of exclusive knowledge on the subject, 
that the prince, with his habitual brutality of course, 
had rushed into the presence of the emperor, and had 
endeavoured to frighten his majesty into submission 
to his own imperious will by threats of resignation, 
and that his majesty had thereupon coolly and 
quietly taken the overbearing minister at his word. 

A statement of the kind could only demonstrate 
most convincingly how very little the imaginative 
gentleman who indulged in it did know of the cha- 
racter of the king and of that of Prince Bismarck; 
besides that, it argued the deepest and densest 
ignorance of the relations actually subsisting between 
King William and his great minister and friend. 
However, it is barely worth while to refute such pure 
imaginary sensational statements that bear their 
refutation in their own patent absurdity. 

The real truth of the matter was, that the king was 
very considerably taken aback and disquieted by the 
prince's resolution, and that it took all the marvellous 
powers of persuasion of the latter to reconcile his 
majesty to the notion. 

It would not be going too far even to assert, that 
had the Papal Allocution, which dropped in imme- 
diately after, come in just a little sooner, there would 
have been no change in the presidency of the council. 
As it was, the king consented, only most reluctantly, 



New German Empire. 239 

in the end to relieve Prince Bismarck of the over- 
onerous burthen of the premiership of Prussia. 

There can be barely a doubt that the king at 
first fully believed the change effected to be merely 
nominal. In one of the illustrated comic papers of 
Berlin there appeared at the time an excellently- 
conceived double cartoon of a sledge (stated to be the 
imperial governmental chariot), with the driver sitting 
in front in number one, behind in number two ; the 
respective legends stating severally that it might 
be very pleasant to occupy the driver's seat in front, 
but that there happened to be the trifling inconve- 
nience of not being able to discern what the party 
in the sledge might be concocting behind the driver's 
back ; whereas, on the other hand, the driver, though 
seemingly simply occupying a seat behind, could 
always keep his company in full view under his 
eye and that the guidance remained after all the 
same, no matter where the charioteer might elect to 
take his seat. 

It was clearly under something like this impression 
that his majesty consented to relieve Prince Bismarck 
of the nominal presidency of the council, which would, 
as the king thought, devolve (nominally) upon the 
senior minister of state Count Eoon. In this little 
calculation the king had counted without Count Eoon, 
who is the very last man in the world to accept a 
merely nominal position. 

We have spoken at length of Count Koon in his 



2-40 



memoir. We will therefore content ourselves here 
with rein; irk ing once more, that he is the greatest and 
most genial organizer, and the most able army admi- 
nistrator of the present age. He is more than this. 
He is not only field-marshal, but also doctor; and he 
does equal honour to both the military grade and the 
academic degree. It would perhaps be going too far 
to call him a brilliant orator, but everyone must 
admit, at least, that he is a sharp and skilful debater, 
and a clear, terse, fluent, and pleasing speaker. He 
certainly is not a statesman of the very highest order, 
yet he ranks vastly above the common run of the 
article as it goes in these degenerate times. 

To ask a man of this high stamp, and one so 
thoroughly conscious of his own merits as Count 
Eoon is, to accept the merely nominal position of 
head of the ministry without the actual rank and 
title, was truly a most grievous blunder to commit 
for such an adept in kingcraft as King William. 

It was but natural then, under the circumstances, 
that the count should decline complying with his ma- 
jesty's wishes, and maintain the tender of his resig- 
nation of the Ministry of War, the burthen of which 
was really weighing too heavily upon his shoulders. 

Here was an awkward dilemma for the king. He 
wished to retain both Bismarck and Eoon, but he did 
not see how it was to be done, and how the equally 
just claims of both w T ere to be reconciled and satis- 
fied. The expedient of appointing Eoon premier, and 



New German Empire. 241 

bestowing upon the prince-chancellor of the German 
empire the chancellorship also of the Prussian king- 
dom, suggested itself no doubt, but this looked at the 
best but a doubtful expedient. There is reason to 
believe that the king, finding himself in this embar- 
rassing position, referred the whole matter to Prince 
Bismarck, asking for his guidance and aid in devising 

J o o o 

the most suitable course of action under the circum- 
stances. 

It would appear that just about this time the 
chancellor had strongly inculpating proofs placed be- 
fore him that Count Eulenburg, the Home Secretary, 
whom he had fondly flattered himself to have brought 
over to his own liberal ways and convictions, had 
been mixed up with the wretched anti-national 
camarilla, popish, and feudalist intrigues of the 
preceding three months ; that he had, in fact, 
played a false and treacherous game against him. 

The writer of this memoir of the great chancellor 
received at the time a letter from a well-informed 
Berlin politician, a member of the Eeichstag and of 
the Prussian House of Commons, an extract from 
which he ventures to subjoin here, as best calculated 
to show how the case really stood at the time, and 
what were the opinions entertained upon the subject 
in Liberal circles in the German capital. 

" You are aware how, in the olden days, Eulenburg 
and Mlihler were always named together as the chief 
pillars of Junkerdom and Muckerdom in the cabinet. 

VOL. I. R 



Mat (</:> ha ' //>"</<; the 



Recently, hu\\v\vr, the chancellor had seemingly suc- 
ceeded in iiKikin- a semi-Liberal, at least, of Eulcn- 
bur^. Now it would appear to turn out that the 
Home Secretary has been trying his hand at a little 
intrigue of his own against his trusting chief, with an 
ambitious viewmost likely to the premiership. Well, 
the chancellor has found it out, and there is excellent 
reason to hope now that the days of the count's 
ministerial life are numbered. The Paris or Vienna 
embassy will surely afford greater scope and a more 
genial sphere for the count's diplomatic penchant and 
talents than the Prussian Home Office. 

" At any rate, the chancellor has opened the campaign 
against his doubtful and slippery colleague in the 
columns of the Kolnische Zeitung in a slashing article 
inspired by Lot-bar Bucher, and written, it is averred 
by some, by Privy Councillor Wagener, whilst others 
name Professor Aegidi as the author. I have reason 
to believe the latter to be the real Simon Pure.' 

" We have got rid at last of Selchow. It has been 
a hard tussle. At first the king would not hear of it. 
In the end he has given way, however. Konigsmark, 
the late president of the province of Posen, takes 
Sel chow's place. He is a first-rate administrator, and 
possesses a thoroughly practical knowledge of agricul- 
ture in all its branches. He has made the improve- 
ment of land, cattle, and horses his special study. In 
politics I have reason to believe him a Liberal Con- 
servative, with every disposition to go along with the 



New German Empire. 243 

times. I will venture to assert that he will prove 
a great acquisition to Bismarck, and I am almost sure 
that the chancellor was the man who advised the kino- 

o 

to call him to his council. 

" Our stiff friend Itzenplitz will go next, and, I 
repeat it, Eulenburg will follow. The chancellor will 
take care, it is to be hoped, to have these two Junkers 
replaced by men whose political views shall be more 
in harmony with his own. Even as matters stand, 
the chancellor may be considered to command a 
majority in the cabinet, reckoning General Kamecke 
as a voter on the other side, which I, for one, am by 
no means sure about as yet. Konigsmark, I repeat, 
will go along with Bismarck, or I am much mistaken. 

" Were there two additional Liberals in the cabinet, 
Eoon would have no choice left but to follow the 
chancellor's lead, or send in his resignation to the 
king. This is my view of the matter. I am quite 
aware it is not shared in by many just now. On the 
contrary, I am sorry to say a feeling of deep despond- 
ency is, so to speak, creeping over the minds of all 
liberal men in the land. 

" I must admit, for my own part, that there seems 
to be very good reason for this feeling. The king is 
passing through one of his periodical fits of ' concrete 
piety/ as poor Kalisch used to have it, in which his 
majesty will occasionally indulge when the Grace-of- 
God notion waxes strong within him, and he devoutly 
believes himself to be a chosen vessel and a special 

R 2 



244 Mt'n /''/"> /mr<> iiKnlr //// 

favourite of Providence. This disposition of the 
royal mind is not favourable, of course, to tin- growth 
and development of libend ide;is ;md tendencies. 
Roon also has strong pietistic leanings, and Eulenburg 
is a rank Mucker. 

" Our Protestant popedom is also looking up, and 
taking to persecuting liberal - minded clergymen, 
which, with us, is always a sign of the triumph of 
reaction. Eulenburg has been initiating another of 
his wretched attempts at Sabbath legislation, which 
he durst not have ventured upon under Bismarck's 
premiership. All these are very bad signs, I admit. 
Still my faith in Bismarck remains as firm and 
absolute as ever. / do not give Roon three months 
hold of office as premier. Should the reaction prove 
successful, however- -which God forbid !--we may 
expect the resignation of the chancellor and his 
Liberal colleagues. King William and his misleaders 
will then speedily find that times have vastly changed 
since the days of the conflict, and the nation will 
soon impose its own sovereign will upon the crown. 
Heaven grant there may be no need for this ; but 
should the necessity unhappily arise, I, for one, have 
not the slightest fear of the result." 

This extract was published in the Morning Adver- 
tiser of the 25th of January, 1873. Attention may be 
invited to the fact that the writer proved singularly 
correct in his estimate of Roon's chances of the reten- 
tion of the premiership. 



New German Empire, 245 

There can hardly be a doubt that the revelation 
of the Eulenburg intrigue must have powerfully 
influenced Prince Bismarck in arriving at a decision 
in the matter referred to him by the king. Bismarck 
and Boon had worked pretty harmoniously together 
for ten years, and the Minister of War had always 
ultimately deferred to the premier's guidance. The 
chancellor might therefore reasonably hope that he 
should retain his old ascendency over Boon's mind, 
and thus continue to be able to carry out his own 
policy, though the ministry would no longer bear his 
name. 

At this juncture came the Papal Allocution already 
alluded to, which roused the indignant wrath of the 
king, giving great offence also to Eoon and other 
stanch Protestant members of the Junker party. 
Had this allocution been delivered a few weeks 
sooner, the opposition would certainly not have 
prevailed against the chancellor. 

Taking the circumstances altogether, there would 
seem to be very good reason for the belief that it 
was with Prince Bismarck's full sanction, and even 
in a measure upon his advice, that the king finally 
appointed Eoon minister-president of the council, 
throwing the grade of field-marshal in by way of 
make-weight, to prove his singular regard for the 
great organizer of his hosts. Upon Prince Bismarck 
the monarch bestowed at the same time the sin- 
gularly exceptional honour of the knighthood of the 



C M<, ii-l.u have nle the 



highest order of the Royal Hohenzollern House, to 
\vit, t!u- r>l:M'k Ivi'jlc, ,si't in brilliants. 

The prince's enemies tried hard to maintain that 
this most rare distinction was meant by the king as a 
[inning gift to his great minister, and that it might 
thus l>e considered to herald his imminent dismissal 
from the councils of the crown. Of course those who 
could argue thus knew not the king's character. 

The question of the presidency thus settled, there 
still remained some minor arrangements to be made. 
Count Eoon had to be relieved of the burthen of the 
War Ministry. This apparently easy task was found 
beset with considerable difficulties. It seemed quite 
simple, if not almost a matter of course, to appoint 
to the vacant office General Stiehle, the actual 
director of the General War Department, a man of 
the highest merit, and second only to Eoon as 
an organizer and in administrative talent. 

Here, however, an unexpected difficulty presented 
itself at the very outset. Eoon, who would not con- 
sent to accept a merely nominal position, objected 
just as strongly, it would appear, to allow his suc- 
cessor in the War Office that absolute control over 
his own department which he himself had exercised 
for some thirteen years. And as General Stiehle is 
just as stiff-starched in this respect as Eoon himself 
the negotiation came tc* naught. General Bose to 
whom the office was tendered next, proved as imprac- 
ticable upon the same point as Stiehle had done. 



New German Empire. 247 

General Kamecke, one of the youngest generals in 
the Prussian army, showed himself more accommo- 
dating, and was accordingly appointed Minister of 
War. This General Kamecke is the officer who 
began the famous attack upon Spicheren on the 6th 
of August, 1870, which broke up Frossard's corps, 
and did more to demoralize the French army than 
even Weissenburg and Worth. Kamecke is unques- 
tionably one of the best generals in the Prussian 
service. 

Poor Eoon had barely had time yet to get firmly 
fixed in the saddle of his new supreme position in 
the Prussian cabinet, when Edward Lasker, 1 one of 
Bismarck's most brilliant and most potent allies in 
the National Liberal camp, sprung a highly dis- 
agreeable surprise upon the ministry. He laid bare 
a system of deep official corruption which had for 
some years past unhappily obtained in the Ministry 
of Commerce more especially in the matter of rail- 
way concessions. 

When Lasker made his first move in this ticklish 
affair with all his habitual skill and caution, a wise 
president of the Council of Ministers would at once 
have divined the full scope and bearing of the ''mild' 
attack made upon the Minister of Commerce by the 
leader of the Liberal majority of the commons, and 
he would have endeavoured to take the sting out of 

1 A brief memoir of Edward Lasker will be found at page 1 
of vol. ii. 



Men )"/to have made the 



the affair by instituting at once an efficient inquiry 
into the matter, suspending meanwhile the parties 
most strongly implicated, and inviting Itzenplitz to 



resign. 



Instead of which, Count Roon must wildly rush into 
an assumption of something like solidarity with his 
impeached colleague, committing the egregious blun- 
der into the bargain of making an utterly ground- 
less and gratuitous tu quoque thrust at Lasker, 
which that gentleman could afford to treat with 
contemptuous indifference, and for which the pre- 
mier had to apologize humbly almost immediately 
afterwards. Blunders of this kind it is next to 
impossible to retrieve in Count Roon's position and 
at his age. 

Then the mild attack developed into a most 
scathing denunciation of the ministerial misdeeds of 
Itzenplitz, and the matter expanded into the great 
official corruption scandal. Itzenplitz had to give 
way, and his majesty had to yield, however re- 
luctantly, to the inexorable logic of facts. Roon 
had found out that he was really not strong enough 
for Bismarck's place and Bismarck's work ; and the 
chancellor, who vigorously reassumed on the occasion 
his full power and action as the virtual chief of the 
administration, at once enacted a cabinet regulation 
which, by requiring all grants, concessions for rail- 
ways, &c., in future to be submitted to the sanction 
of the whole council of ministers, must necessarily 



New German Empire. 249 

render altogether impracticable all attempts to in- 
dulge in corruption. 

Itzenplitz was replaced by another Bismarckian 
minister, Achenbach. Count Roon soon followed 
the Minister of Commerce in his retirement ; and 
the great chancellor had played and won his return 
match to the apparently successful move made a 
few brief months before by the court and camarilla, 
and the Jesuit, Junker, and Petticoat Coalition, 
which had then terminated in his retirement from 
the presidency of the Prussian council, and seemed 
to threaten to inaugurate a new era of reaction in 
Germany. In Bismarck's new cabinet Eulenburg 
was the only minister left of the old set of the 
year 1862; and so far, it would appear, he has 
become as pliant and plastic as ever in the hands 
of his great chief. 

The ecclesiastical policy of the chancellor was 
once more in the fullest ascendant. Falk proposed 
and carried a series of laws, in May, 1873, exact- 
ing from and enforcing upon the Romanist clergy 
obedience to the laws of the land, and lea vino; 

o 

the bishops ultimately to choose between frank 
submission to the laws of the state and painful 
severance from their sees and their dearly-beloved 
loaves and fishes. 

The " Civil Marriage Law," which followed, wrested 
from the grasp of the black crew the most formidable 
weapon of resistance and obstruction in their ar- 



J/< n '"no have nmde the 



moury ; and to conclude this branch of the subject, 
the subjoined new supplementary and complementary 
law- -passed by the Reichstag at the end of April, 
1874, to wit: " 1. Ecclesiastics or other Church 
servants dismissed from office by sentence of a tri- 
bunal, may be prohibited from residing in certain 
districts or places, or may be assigned a residence 
by the police authorities of the state. In case of 
resistance to such order of the police authorities, or 
the continued exercise of religious functions by dis- 
qualified ecclesiastics, the central authorities of the 
state shall have power to declare such ecclesiastics 
deprived of their nationality, and to expel them 
from federal territory. --N.B. An appeal is allowed 
to a superior tribunal. (Amendment by Eeichstag.) 
2. The provisions of Clause 1 are also applicable 
to persons who assume ecclesiastical functions, or 
have such functions transferred to them, contrary to 
law, and to those who have been legally condemned 
to punishment. The police authorities may prohibit 
or assign to the accused residence in certain districts 

o 

or places after the commencement of a judicial 
inquiry and until the termination of legal pro- 
ceedings. " 3. Persons who, according to the pro- 
visions of this law, have been deprived of their 
nationality in one federal state, lose that nationality 
in every other, and cannot be naturalized in any 
other federal state without the sanction of the 
Federal Council ; - will speedily take away from 



New German Empire. 251 

renitent and recalcitrant bishops and other eccle- 
siastics the power of continuing to set the state and 
its laws and decrees at defiance, after having been 
duly and legally deprived of their offices and func- 
tions by sentence of a properly-constituted tribunal. 

In the early part of the present year (1874) 
Bismarck was struck down by a painful and weary- 
ing malady, from which he has now happily recovered. 
His illness happened at a most inopportune time. 
The Army Organization Bill had to be submitted 
to the Eeichstag. The emperor-king and his mili- 
tary advisers were of opinion that, in the peculiar 
position in which Germany was placed, threatened 
by a possible coalition of three military powers 
against her, it would not be wise to leave the effi- 
ciency of her army to the very precarious chances 
of budgets voted from time to time, and that the 
only prudent course to pursue would be to have 
the " effective " fixed once for all in downright de- 
fiance, of course, of the sound constitutional maxim, 
that the representatives of the people should always 
have and hold the control of the purse-strings over 
the government. 

Had Bismarck been able to plead the cause of 
the government personally before the Eeichstag, he 
would most likely have carried his point ; but in 
his compulsory absence, an important section of the 
National Liberals, with Lasker at their head, ex- 
pressed a strong dislike to grant the government 



*2~)'2 M< J /t tt'/tu Jtacc made tlie 

such a very extensive vote of confidence as that 
implied in the Army Dill. 

The clericals and feudalists were at once on the 
<ji// rive: they scented another conflict between 
parliament and crown, like that which had been so 
happily settled in 18G6. They tried to get round the 
king. They talked largely of Roon for vice-chancellor 
and representative chief of a new anti-parliamentary 
government. Even the ominous and ill-omened 

o 

name of Manteuffel cropped up. Happily the great 
chancellor recovered in time, sufficiently, at least, to 
nip all such pretty schemes in the bud. He sug- 
gested a sensible compromise, which was cheerfully 
accepted by the crown and the Reichstag, and he is 
now once more to the fore as vigorous and as power- 
ful as ever. 

The ecclesiastical laws of May, 1873, have mean- 
while removed Ledochowski from the archiepiscopal 
seat of Gnesen and Posen : the same fate threatens 
speedily to overtake the great Paulus Melchers of 
Cologne, who is already in prison, Dr. Forster of 
Breslau, Dr. Eberhard of Treves, Dr. Martin of 
Paderborn, and other high dignitaries of the Romish 
Church in Germany, if they do not repent them in 
time of the error of their ways, and frankly ac- 
knowledge the supreme authority of the state over 
all subjects alike, irrespective of creed. 

Another law will speedily provide for the filling up 
of vacant episcopal sees and Catholic Church offices. 



New German Empire. 253 

Early in this year, as we have said, Prince 
Bismarck suffered most severely from a fierce and 
protracted attack of his old enemy- -neuralgia in the 
lower extremities, which prostrated him for months, 
and necessitated an almost absolute cessation from 
work. Towards the end of May he left Berlin for 
his Varzin seat, to recover health and strength in 
the retirement and quiet of country life. 

By the advice of his physicians he went afterwards, 
in July, to Kissingen, for the completion of his cure. 
There a vile assassin a wretched, ignorant, fanatical, 
Romish-Catholic journeyman cooper, named Kull- 
mann made an infamous attempt upon the great 
man's life ad major em Dei gloriam. 

But the Almighty would have none of such 
" glory." The instigators of the crime- -the intellec- 
tual authors of it, as the Germans have it- -had 
badly chosen their instrument. The would-be 
assassin was no Clement, no Ravaillac. He was 
only a bungler at his murder-trade. The vile attempt 
failed- -the bullet intended for the heart simply 
grazing the chancellor's wrist. 

God willed it not that His own chosen instrument 
should be removed from this sphere in which there 
remains still much for him to do. 

The joy of the German people over the chancellor's 
fortunate escape exceeded even, if possible, the fierce, 
deep indignation felt in every part of the great father- 
land at the monstrous attempt, and thousands upon 



2.34 .1/071 u'ho hm-c m<le the 

thousands of congratulatory addresses came pouring 
in upon the beloved man from all quarters. 

The chancellor has now (August) left Kissingcn, 
re-invigorated for the arduous struggle which awaits 
him again in October, and for which the attempt and 
its failure have placed new and formidable weapons in 
his hands. Mayhap it will soon become evident and 
manifest to the world that Kullmann's bullet, which 
oiilv grazed Bismarck's wrist, has struck to the heart 

/ o 

the Eomish Church in Germany. 

For the clearer comprehension of the great Church 
question in Germany, a few brief remarks upon the 
Kornish episcopate and the Old Catholic movement 
in Germany are added in a special appendix to this 
memoir. A few personal and family notices of 
Prince Bismarck, and we have done. 

The physical conformation of the great minister is 
in rare harmony with his moral, mental, and intel- 
lectual organization. His frame is powerful and well- 
knit, his figure tall and commanding, his chest broad, 
his head massive, his face compact, with the un- 
mistakable stamp of the man's mighty mind im- 
printed upon it. 

Bismarck married, on the 28th of July, 1847, 
Johanna von Puttkammer, by whom he has issue 
two sons and one daughter. 

The daughter, Countess Marie Elizabeth Jane, was 
born at Schonhausen on the 21st of August, 1848. 

Count Herbert (Nicholas Henry Ferdinand) was 



New German Empire. 255 

bom at Berlin on the 28th of December, 1849. He is 
a lieutenant in the 1st Eegiment of Dragoon Guards. 

Count William Otho Albert was bom at Frankfort- 
on-the-Main, on the 1st of August, 1852. He is a 
lieutenant attached to the 1st Eegiment of Dragoon 
Guards. 

The prince is proprietor of the lordships of Schwar- 
zenbeck and Friedrichsruhe, in the Duchy of Lauen- 
burg ; Schonhausen, in the Province of Saxony ; and 
Varzin, "Wusson, Puddiger, Misclon, Selitz, Chomitz, 
Nakel, and Eheinfeld, in Pomerania. He is thus 
one of the largest landed proprietors in the German 
empire. 

In the army he has attained the rank of lieutenant- 
general (cl la suite of the Magdeburg Cuirassier Eegi- 
ment No. 7). He is chief also of the 1st Magdeburg 
Landwehr Eegiment No. 26. He is of course a in em- 

o 

ber of the Prussian House of Lords. As regards 
orders, collars, medals, and ribbons- -why, he has 
enough of these articles to cover himself all over 
with them if he felt so disposed. 

This brief memoir of the great minister may most 
fitly be concluded with an anecdote in illustration of 
one of the chief guiding principles of his life. 

Count Enzenberg, late Hessian minister, now 
ambassador of the German empire to the republic 
of Mexico, is a most passionate autograph hunter, 
who has succeeded in collecting one of the most 
copious and interesting autograph albums in the 



256 Men who /mrc. nut'fa the 

world. About two years ago, when this gentleman 
left for his ambassadorial post in Mexico, he had to 
present himself to the prince-chancellor of the 
German empire. He eagerly seized this opportunity 
to hand his autograph album to Bismarck, expecting, 
of course, a new and important contribution to its 
contents. The prince, however, simply glanced at 
the album, then handed it back to its grievously 
disappointed owner, who bitterly bewailed his ill- 
luck to privy councillor Lothar Bucher, Bismarck's 
right-hand man. Bucher, who, by the by, was once 
upon a time a political refugee in London, on account 
of his subversive tendencies, took compassion upon 
the poor man, and promised him to place the album 
once more before the chancellor with a view to 
obtaining the great man's autograph. 

A few days after the album was duly returned 
to the delighted owner with Bismarck's autograph 
added. The chancellor had written it on the same 
page which bore already two inscriptions one by 
Guizot and one by Thiers. Guizot's lines were as 
follows :--" Dans ma lonyue vie fed a/ppris deux 
sagesses : I'une est de beaucoup pardonner, et I'autre 
de ne jamais oublier" (In my long life I have learnt 
two maxims of wisdom : one is to forgive much, 
and the other never to forget). Beneath this Thiers 
had written : " Un pen d'oubli ne nuit pas a la 
sincerite du pardon." (A little forgetting does 
not lessen the sincerity of the forgiveness.) And 



New German Empire. 257 

beneatli this again Bismarck had written :--" J'ai 
appris dans ma vie d moi de beaucoup oublier, et 
de me faire beaucoup pardonner." (For my part, 
I have learned in my life to forget much and to 
have much forgiven me). Highly characteristic 
indeed of the statesman who, from the most hated 
and best-abused, has succeeded in becoming the 
most popular and best-loved man in Germany. 



VOL. i, 



-."38 ]\[cn ti'lm have made the 



THE ROMISH EPISCOPATE AND THE OLD 
CATHOLIC MOVEMENT IN GERMANY. 

(SPECIAL APPENDIX.) 

THESE papers were written two years ago. No 
material alterations have been made in them, how- 
ever, as they are chiefly intended to explain and 
elucidate the question of the desperate struggle 
between Church and State in Germany. 

There is now only a Romish episcopate left in 
Germany. The two evangelical Churches, the Lutheran 
and the Reformed, have no bishops. Superintendents- 
general, consistorial directors, and so-called prelates, 
are the highest dignitaries recognized in them, 
although the courtesy title of bishop (without a see 
attached to it) is occasionally bestowed by the state 
upon eminent churchmen, such as the late Bishop 
Westerrneier, Bishop Drasecke, and others. To call 
the actual occupants of the episcopal sees Catholic 
bishops would be a misnomer. 

In the course of a discussion before the Reichstag in 
1871, Bishop Kettler of Mayence broke a lance with 
Blanckenburg, then a leading Conservative Liberal 



New German Empire. 259 

with Bismarckian proclivities, whom the clericals 
hate with intensest Christian love. Blanckenburo- had 

o 

asked the bishop to give the house the benefit of 
his experience of the working of the principle of 
dictatorship in the Eomish Church (the discussion 
had arisen in the course of the debate upon the 
imperial dictatorship in Alsace-Lorraine). The bishop 
replied that Blanckenburg by his question showed 
that he had not the slightest notion of the consti- 
tution of the Catholic Church. " I did not say the 
Catholic Church ; I said the Romish Church/ 7 replied 
Blanckenburg calmly, amidst shouts of laughter from 
all parts of the house except the centre. The bishop 
was too indignant to pursue the subject further ; so 
he contented himself with darting at the profane 
Protestant one of his most potent excommunicat- 
ing glances. Since the German bishops have tamely, 
nay, cravenly, submitted to swallow the monstrous 
dogma of papal infallibility, they are simply servants 
of the Pope of Rome, and absolutely dependent upon 
their infallible master. 



Never before in the history of the Church had 
the German episcopate submitted to such fearful 
degradation as this. There was a time, indeed, when 
a synod of German bishops would claim and exercise 
the power of deposing popes the Synod of Worms, 
for instance, January, 1076. Even so late as the 
end of the last century, in 1784, a number of German 
archbishops held a council at Ems, to deliberate upon 

s 2 



Men who have made the 



the expurgation of the spurious Isidorian decretals ] 
from the ancient genuine collection, and upon the 

1 In the first centuries after Christ, even up to the ninth cen- 
tury, the Bishop of Rome had no actual supremacy conceded to 
him, no power or authority superior to that of the other metro- 
politans and bishops. He simply enjoyed a certain prestige as 
successor of St. Peter. The synods, or general assemblies, of the 
bishops alone were considered supreme and infallible, and the 
Bishop of Rome was subject to their authority just as all other 
bishops were. Still, the occupant of St. Peter's chair was treated 
with a certain amount of deference by his episcopal brethren, and 
lie was often consulted on disputed points, or called on to arbitrate 
between contending prelates. 

His counsels and decisions were generally made public, and 
forwarded in writing to the several sees. This gave rise to the 
collection of the so-called papal decretals, which Bishop Isidor of 
Sevilla made in the seventh century. This collection soon ac- 
quired great fame and authority in the Church. In the ninth 
century, when the Romish bishops began to try their hands at 
subjecting the temporal power to their spiritual sway, they hit upon 
the notable plan to base their pretensions upon the semblance of 
acknowledged ancient practice and historical right. 

This they effected by forging a certain number of such decretals, 
antedated by several centuries, and with the names of former 
Roman pontiffs affixed to them. 

In these spurious decretals the supremacy of the Bishop of Rome 
over all other metropolitans and bishops was boldly assumed, all 
dignitaries of the Catholic Church, without exception, being de- 
clared to be simply officers of the supreme Pontiff of Rome, who 
had power and authority vested solely in him to guide, direct, and 
watch over the performance of the ecclesiastic functions of the 
metropolitans and bishops ; to decide all disputes in the Church, 
finally, and without further appeal (thus shelving the supreme 
jurisdiction of the synods) ; to create new bishops and found new 
sees ; to ordain bishops in cases of hindrance or refusal of the 
metropolitan ; to grant or to refuse, as he might list, the bestowal 



New German Empire. 261 

restoration of the old supreme authority and juris- 
diction of the synods over all bishops alike, the 
Eoman pontiff included. 

Both these points- -the expurgation, to wit, of the 
spurious Tsidorian decretals, and the restoration of 

of the pallium upon the metropolitans, the symbol and condition of 
their high dignity ; and last, but not least, to make and promulgate 
new laws and regulations for the Church. 

In the matter of this last and most important assumption of the 
spurious decretals, the co-operation of the synods was not expressly 
excluded : it was even declared desirable in important cases, but 
as it was declared at the same time that no synod could legally be 
held without the sanction of the Pope of Rome, the decision was 
left substantially in the hands of the latter. 

These spurious decretals were most industriously propagated 
and most successfully smuggled into the old collections, so that in 
course of time their absence from certain collections was actually 
looked upon as an accidental omission, to be supplied as soon as 
it was discovered. So Pope Nicholas I. (f 867) could already 
boldly venture upon appealing to the pseudo-Isidorian decretals in 
support of his asserted supremacy over all other bishops of the 
Catholic Church. True, the French bishops of the period looked 
through the infamous swindle with Gallic acumen, and told 
Nicholas their candid opinion about it. Unhappily they had 
themselves appealed to the authority of the self-same decretals in 
certain cases when it had suited their purpose to do so, and the 
Pope could therefore afford to disregard their objections. 

It was upon this foundation that the seventh Gregory and the 
third and fourth Innocent afterwards reared the stupendous struc- 
ture of papal pretension and spiritual tyranny. And it is upon the 
self-same foundation of these base forgeries, so impudently palmed 
upon the Catholic world, that Pius IX. and his Jesuit masters 
would fain base their present monstrous attempt to bend rulers 
and peoples abjectly under this vilest and most odious of all 
yokes. 



262 Men <chu have made the 

the old supreme authority and jurisdiction of the 
synods over all bishops alike, the Eoman pontiff 
included, and some minor points in the same sense 
and direction were carried, and the resolutions of the 
council were submitted to the Emperor Joseph II. of 
Austria. They are known in history as the Punc- 
tuation of Ems. 

Joseph, unfortunately, in the conceit of his fancied 
omnipotence, foolishly disdained availing himself of 
the efficacious aid thus tendered him by the highest 
dignitaries of the Catholic Church in Germany, and 
the Punctuation of Ems was quietly strangled by a ' 
committee of the Aulic Council. Afterwards the 
emperor would only too gladly have retraced this 
false step, but it was too late then. The golden 
opportunity had passed by to effect a radical reform 
in the Church of Rome. 

And now, in this nineteenth century of ours, in 
this age of universal enlightenment, we have to taste 
the bitter humiliation of beholding an entire body of 
most highly-educated men- -for such the German 
archbishops and bishops unquestionably are swallow- 
ing the whole nauseous dose of the spurious decretals, 
with all the later corollaries tacked to them, the 
monstrous infallibility dogma included. We do not 
wonder to see a Cullen gorge this vile stuff- -it is 
somehow his natural food. "We can understand a 
Manning pretending to prefer it to more wholesome 
doctrine- -to him it is simply one of the means to 



New German Empire. 263 

his own ambitious ends. But it is melancholy to 
find a Hefele, a Krementz, and others of the same 
high stamp of intellect browsing upon the same weeds 
along with the common herd. 

To show how fully and acutely conscious these 
men must feel of their self -degradation, the merest 
reference to the protest issued in the last stage of the 
late Vatican Council by sixty-seven bishops of the op- 
position will suffice. In this protest, which bears the 
signatures of many German bishops, among others, 
and more conspicuously, those of Krementz and 
Hefele, there occurs in this protest the following 
passage, among others equally strong and signifi- 
cant :- -" There is, then, nothing left for us now but 
to protest against the said proceeding (the elevation 
of the papal infallibility pretension to the dignity and 
power of a sacred dogma of the Church), which, in 
our conscientious opinion and belief, is highly detri- 
mental to the Church and the Holy Apostolic See ; 
by this our solemn protest we repudiate and cast 
from us, before man and before the awful judgment 
of Almighty God, all and every share in the pro- 
ceedings, and in the responsibility for the disastrous 
consequences which will inevitably spring therefrom, 
and which are even now already beginning to mani- 
fest themselves. Whereof this present solemn protest 
shall be an everlasting witness ! ' Yet some of the 
very same men who signed this solemn protest and 



Men (>'/,<> }/rc iii<i<h the 



repudiation arc no\v among the foremost champions 
of papal infallibility and other perilous doctrines 
of the Neo-Roman Church, and actually do not 
blush to run emulative excommunication races, as 
it were, among them, visiting with the heaviest 
curse of the Church their infinitely more honest 
and upright dissentient fellow-priests who are 
unhappily subject to their spiritual authority, 
and whom they would fain force to submit ab- 
jectly to the grossest ecclesiastic tyranny ever yet 
attempted. 

What are clear-sighted, straightforward men to 
think of the honesty and uprightness, for instance, 
of Bishop Krementz of Ermeland, who, after affix- 
ing his signature to the above strong repudiation 
of the papal infallibility doctrine, is now^ found one 
of the foremost and most forward among the prose- 
cutors and persecutors of those Catholic priests who 
sturdily refuse to descend to the same low depth 
of wretched tergiversation and base compliance with 
Romish pretensions as he and his fellow-bishops have 
not scrupled to do ? 

Among these honest Catholic priests Professor 
Michelis occupies a high rank. He is one of the 
most learned and deservedly most highly esteemed 
champions of the Catholic faith against Eomish in- 
novations. In the beginning of 1872 he started a 
religious journal at Konigsberg, in Prussia, called 



New German Empire. 265 

Dcr Katliolik. Hardly had the first number of the 
new paper been issued, when the bishop (Krementz) 
betook him in hot haste to address the subjoined 
ukase to the deans of his diocese : 

" Whereas it has come to our knowledge that the 
unhappy priest, Professor Michelis, who, in shame- 
ful forgetfulness of the duties of his holy calling, 
is seeking only how to bring scandal and vexation 
into the Christian world, and how to destroy the 
Church of God, has his pestilent organ, which he 
publishes at Konigsberg to the aforesaid end, and 
which he impudently calls ' The Catholic,' distributed 
gratis through the Post Office, which forwards the 
same more particularly to teachers in the elementary 
schools, and to certain influential laymen in the 
country,- -now we herewith enjoin it upon all parish 
priests and all other ecclesiastics in this diocese, as 
a most sacred duty, to keep strictest watch and 
ward that this pestilence of the soul be kept away 
from their flocks ; also, and more especially, to warn 
all under their spiritual guidance and teaching agaiust 
receiving and accepting from the Post Office all and 
every and any such missives and papers as may be 
forwarded to them free of charge, and to return the 
same at once unopened to the senders. We invite 
your reverence to give this present pastoral the 
promptest and fullest circulation among the parish 
priests, &c., in your deanery ; also, on your own part, 
to bring all the means at your command to bear 



266' Mm who have made the 

upon tlu 1 faithful execution of the instructions there- 
in contained. 

" The Bishop of Ermeland, 

" PHILIPPUS." 

" FRAUENBURG, Jan. 18, 1872." 

The right reverend father in God did not, how- 
ever, take much by this move of his. The professor 
simply replied to it by the publication in the third 
number of his paper of the most salient and telling 
paragraphs of the episcopal protest, to which Kre- 
mentz had affixed his name ; and by putting it to 
the common sense of his readers whether the man 
who had thus appealed to the awful judgment of 
the Almighty, in his solemn repudiation of the 
detrimental doctrine of papal infallibility, could, in 
justice or in common fairness, claim the right of ex- 
communicating and grossly persecuting him (Michelis) 
and others for simply continuing to retain the same 
opinion which he (the bishop) had himself been 
among the foremost to hold and profess. 

Archbishops Scherr of Munich, and Freising and 
Melchers of Cologne, are of the same stamp as 
Krementz. It is generally believed that they have 
been prevailed upon to submit to the obnoxious 
dogma by the tempting promise of the cardinal's hat. 

There has been found among the whole batch of 
these protesting bishops only one true man who 
has kept faithful to his avowed Old Catholic and 



New German Empire. 267 

anti-infallibility creed Bishop Strossmayer, the De- 
mosthenes of the late Vatican Council. 

The continued sturdy opposition of this man to 
modern papal pretensions seems to act upon his 
holiness's mind as the presence of the non-bowing 
Mordecai acted upon Haman of old. Blandishments 
and threats alike have been resorted to in vain to 
shake his resolution. 

In January, 1872, he was specially called to Eome 
to afford his holiness a final opportunity of trying 
once more the effect of his personal power of per- 
suasion upon the stanch defender of the Old Catholic 
faith. The Jesuits could not contemplate the possi- 
bility of the bishop being able to resist the passionate 
appeal of Pius IX. The Ultramontane press trium- 
phantly announced beforehand that the bishop would 
declare his readiness to recant his heretical errors, 
and to kiss the papal foot-covering henceforth as 
an infallible slipper. It turned out no go, to use 
an expressive vulgarism. 

On the occasion of the last audience given to the 
bishop, Pius placed the declaration of adhesion to 
the Vatican decrees before him, adjuring him most 
urgently and most solemnly to affix his signature 
thereunto ; but Strossmayer remained as firm as a 
rock, and left both document and pen untouched in 
the hands of the Holy Father, steadfastly declaring it 
to be his final and unalterable resolution never to 
submit to the spurious dogma. He would abstain 



l2<!8 J/r// ii'/m //>',' nun/,' 



from ostentatious doctrinal professions, and from 
imitation against the authority of the Holy See ; 
but he would and could go no further. 

The Pope was much chagrined of course ; but 
it is reported that he for once used very mild 
language to the recalcitrant bishop, whom he simply 
informed that he felt grieved he could no longer 
look upon him as a member of the true Catholic 
Church, and that he was quite sure now, to his 
deep sorrow, that he (Bishop Strossmayer) would 
not die as a Catholic should. So they parted ; and, 
although the eloquent tongue of the Demosthenes 
of the Vatican Council has remained mute since 
then, the bishop rejects the infallibility dogma to 
the present day as firmly as ever. 

It has lately been pointed out in English journals, 
as a significant sign of the times, that Bishop Stross- 
mayer holds aloof from the Old Catholic movement. 
The simple explanation of this, however, would seem 
to be, that the bishop may perhaps not have entire 
faith in the soundness and efficacy of that apparently 
somewhat lukewarm and neutral-tinted movement of 
semi-secession from Rome, and may see reason to 
misdoubt the earnest singleheartedness of purpose of 
some of its leaders. It will be shown hereafter that 
this would not be quite a fair view of the matter, 
and that the Old Catholic movement in Germany 
is, with all its grievous shortcomings, still an immense 
step forward in the path of Church reform. 



New German Empire. 269 

The Catholic portion of the population of the 
German empire numbers about fourteen millions 
to twenty-eight million Protestants. 

These fourteen millions enjoy the diocesan minis- 
trations of twenty-seven princes of the Church of 
Rome, of whom five are archbishops, one prince- 
bishop, nineteen bishops, and two titular bishops in 
partibus. The five archdioceses in the empire are 
those of Cologne, and of Gnesen and Posen, in 
Prussia ; of Bamberg, and of Munich and Freising, 
in Bavaria ; and of Freiburg, in Baden. The prince- 
bishop is he of Breslau, in Prussia. Of the nineteen 
bishops, two fall to the share of Alsace-Lorraine, 
to wit, the Bishops of Metz and Strasburg ; nine 
hold sees in Prussia, to wit, the Bishops of Culm, 
Ermeland, Fulda, Hildesheim, Limburg, Munster, 
Osnabruck, Paderborn, and Treves ; six in Bavaria, 
to wit, the Bishops of Augsburg, Eichstaedt, Passau, 
Ratisbon, Spire, and Wurzburg ; one in Hesse, to 
wit, he of Mayence ; and one in Wurtemberg, to 
wit, the Bishop of Rottenburg. The two titular 
bishops are Monsignor Namszanowski, Catholic Chap- 
lain-General of the Prussian army, now suspended 
from the exercise of his ecclesiastic functions, and 
Monsignor Forwerk, Apostolic Vicar- General in the 
kingdom of Saxony (which numbers about fifty 
thousand Catholics out of a population of two 
millions and a half). 

Most of these high dignitaries of the Church of 



l!, n Mt'n H'/tn loir,' ,,,,/</< 



Rome wriv ;it one time, MM -mindly, st.-nn-li opponents 
of the modern mmiM nns pretensions of tin- Vatiejin. 
Many of them figure as signatories of the fumou.- 
protest of the sixty-seven. They are all of them 
now, without exception, the professed humble servants 
of Rome, although comparatively a few of them 
only venture to put themselves prominently forward 
as militant champions of the Vatican. 

Among these may be mentioned more particularly 
Archbishop Paulus Melchers of Cologne, Archbishop 

4 

Gregory von Scherr of Munich and Freising, Bishop 
Andreas Ras of Strasburg, Bishop Philippus Kre- 
mentz of Ermeland, Bishop Henry Hofstaetter of 
Passau, Bishop Pancratius Dinkel of Augsburg, 
Bishop Ignatius Senestry of Ratisbon, the Prince - 
Bishop of Breslau, Dr. Henry Forster, Bishop 
William Emmanuel von Kettler of Mayence ; and 
Monsignor Namszanowski of Agathopolis. 

The names of Kettler (or Ketteler, for fame spells 
the pious syllables both ways), Krementz, and An- 
dreas Riis have already occurred in these pages. It 
needs simply be added here that Kettler is the 
most dangerous Jesuit of the order. He was the 
prime mover and the soul of the Fulda Council. It 
was he who conceived the notable plan of weld- 
ing together into one compact body the forces of 
the two detrimental bands- -the black crew of his 
own Jesuits and the red crew of the International ; 
and he has for years past used his utmost endeavours 



New German Empire. 271 

to make the German workmen believe in his truly 
brotherly sympathies for their sufferings. It is a 
pity, too, that it should be so, for Kettler is a supe- 
rior man a man of the highest intelligence, and 
there really was the stuff in him for a patriarch of 
the new German Church of the future. Unluckily, he 
has gone too far in his open hostility to the new 
German empire, and has been too insolent in his 
opposition to have much chance left him now of 
such an elevation, unless he should very suddenly 
and unexpectedly turn his coat the right way. 

Anent the German patriarchate here alluded to, 
the subjoined extract from a letter written by the 
same high parliamentary authority already quoted 
in these pages may not be altogether without in- 
terest :- 

" Bismarck and Falk have elaborated a measure 
which, it may safely be predicted, will very con- 
siderably astonish the whole brew (Gebrdii) of re- 
bellious Eoman bishops and Church dignitaries in 
Germany. If the Prussian government should be 
ultimately compelled by the blind obstinacy of 
Rome to act in bitter earnest, the world may rest 
assured that the ' man at the helm ' will be found 
fully equal to the height of his mission. ... I 
know I am not going too far if I declare to you that 
this said measure will prove the first step towards 
a total separation of Catholicity in Germany from 
Rome, and the ultimate establishment of an inde- 



2/:2 Men wlio lirc 



pendent German primary. This may seem to you 
a Utopian dream ; yet I am convinced the result 
and issue of the pivsmt struggle will fully justify 
my prevision. You know that I enjoy the rare 
privilege of being permitted an occasional peep 
behind the curtain of the great theatrum mundi.' 

To return once more to Dr. Krementz. That 
prelate is one of the leading episcopal " excommuni- 
cators." In the earliest stage of the struggle be- 
tween the infallibilists, and anti-infallibilists, he took 
upon himself to excommunicate Dr. Wollmann and 
Professor Michelis, against the express provisions 
of the Prussian law, which demand the previous 
explicit sanction of the government to the exercise 
of the power of excommunication. All efforts on 
the part of the Prussian government to induce the 
prelate to cancel this most illegal step have hitherto 
proved unavailing. 

The bishop, who is strongly suspected of belonging 
to the Society of Jesus, and who is at any rate a 
most accomplished Jesuit in his casuistry, has always 
pleaded for excuse his inability to disobey the law 
of God, as he is pleased to call the will of the Pope. 
Where this clashes with the law of the land, he sees 
himself, how r ever reluctantly, compelled to disobey the 
latter. 

He does not exactly go quite so far as openly to 
avow the monstrous doctrine proposed by Pope Boni- 
face VIII. , in the famous bull Unam Sanctam, that 



Neiv German Empire. 273 

the oath taken to the constitution, as well as that 
taken by the servants of the state to the ruler or the 
legally constituted authorities of the land, is always 
subject to the reservation of the supreme authority of 
the laws of God, and of all laws, decrees, rules, and re- 
gulations of the Church of Rome. Bishop Senestry 
of Ratisbon has done this ; but Dr. Krementz is too 
Jesuitical, and therefore too clever, to commit himself 
to so uncompromising a profession of faith. He 
simply urges that the law of God must be obeyed 
in preference to the law of man, and that the infal- 
lible pontiff of Rome is the only authority empowered 
by the Almighty to declare the true law of God- 
which, though a little milder in expression, is much 
the same in substance as the Bonifacean doctrine. 
Pius IX. of course holds this doctrine, and so did 
his two predecessors- -the eighth Pius and the 
sixteenth Gregory. 

When the late Count Leopold Sedlnitzki, who 
was at the time Catholic Prince-Bishop of Breslau, 
professed his inability to obey certain injunctions 
of the latter Pope which ran directly counter to 
the bishop's duties to his country and his sovereign, 
and to the oath taken by him to the latter and to 
the constitution of the land, the pontiff insolently 
told him that it was his (the Pope's) prerogative 
to define the limits of the binding power of an oath 
taken to a secular authority, and that the bishop 
had only to follow unhesitatingly the dictates of 

VOL. I. T 



274 Men ir/hi J/r<' made ///< 

his supreme ecclesiastical chief, all oaths aiicl scruples 
of conscience to the contrary notwithstanding. Sedl- 
nitzki, a most exceptional instance of uprightness 
and lovaltv in the episcopate, preferred finally the 
resignation of his high dignity to disloyal sub- 
mission to Rome : he did not even stop half-way, 
as the Old Catholics would fain attempt to do in 
these present times, but he abjured the monstrous 
errors of the popish Church altogether and turned 
Protestant. In his last will and testament this truly 
noble man bequeathed his fortune to Protestant 
schools not one farthing to a Catholic institution. 

o 

After this slight illustrative digression return we 
to Bishop Krementz. This prelate then had, by his 
refusal to obey the law of the land in preference to 
the dictates of the Pope, broadly avowed that he 
looked upon himself, not as a servant of the Prussian 
state, but as a simple dependant of the supreme 
hierarch of the Romish Church. Bismarck and Falk 
considered it only natural therefore, under the cir- 
cumstances, that the very handsome allowance paid 
by the state to the occupant of the Frauenburg see 
should be stopped until the right reverend father 
might see the error of his ways. The high pro- 
vincial authorities at Konigsberg were therefore 
instructed by Dr. Falk, with the full assent and 
sanction of the whole ministry, and with the special 
approbation of the chancellor, to stop payment of 
the bishop's income. 



New German Empire. 275 

Now his episcopal lordship of Ermeland has, like 
most priests, a very strong affection for his tem- 
poralities. When he saw himself threatened, there- 
fore, with the deprivation of his beloved loaves and 
fishes, he sent up acute cries of distress to Queen 
Elizabeth, and also to the Empress Augusta, with 
whom he had been on most friendly terms at 
Coblentz in times gone by, when Prince William of 
Prussia was governor-general of the Ehenish pro- 
vinces. 

The two august ladies thereupon advised an appeal 
to the emperor direct, and the bishop, who had openly 
demonstrated his disloyalty to the state, had the 
cool assurance to entreat his most gracious majesty 's 
intervention to set aside the threatened stoppage of 
his episcopal pay. This appeal of the bishop was of 
course craftily seasoned with a long string of hol- 
low professions of profound personal devotion and 
reverence. 

The kind-hearted monarch, instead of leaving the 
matter in the hands of his advisers, or inviting 
Dr. Krementz to prove the sincerity of his profes- 
sions by frank submission to the demands of the law 
of the land, thought fit to intervene personally in 
the affair by ordering the payment of the quarter 
due of the bishop's income. In his anxious desire 
to avoid if possible recourse to extreme measures 
against the Church of Kome, and to afford the recal- 
citrant prelates of that Church in Prussia, even at 

T 2 



276 Men /'// lutrc imnlr the 



the eleventh hour, a hn-iix pcenitentice, the 

khi chose to disregard the fact that this somewhat 

o o 

arbitrary revocation of a ministerial resolution ami 
rescript must necessarily deal a heavy blow to the 
authority of his own government, and tend to 
encourage rather than otherwise the stubborn resist- 
ance of the Catholic bishops and Church dignitaries 
in Prussia. 

As soon of course as the bishop had touched 
his quarter's income, he reiterated to the ministry 
his profound regret that he should continue to feel 
constrained to decline complying with the minis- 
terial order to reinstate "Wollmann and Michelis in 
the Catholic community of his diocese. 

About this time came the intemperate outbreak of 
the Pope against the German empire and emperor 
(in his allocution on St. John's Day, 1872), by which 
his majesty w r as most painfully affected. 

P>ismarck, with his habitual skill, availed himself 
of the opportunity afforded by the insolence of the 
papal allocution to invite the king's special atten- 
tion to a kindred papal missile hurled at Prussia 
by Pope Clement XL, on the 18th of April, 1701, 
in which that other pink of popedom informed the 
assembled cardinals, that " the Margrave of Branden- 
burg had, through a barefaced sacrilege almost un- 
heard of among Christians, dared presume to bestow 
upon himself the name and style of a king of 
Prussia in the very teeth of the holy canons, 



Neio German Entire. 277 

which command heretical princes to lay down their 
powers, instead of daringly aspiring to still higher 
honours. This shameless and godless crime he (the 
Pope) had duly denounced to all Catholic princes/ 1 

Now, as the Emperor William knows that the 
said " holy canons ' are in force to the present 
day, and as Bismarck took care to show him how 
to read this papal allocution on St. John's Day by 
the light of the Clementine fulmination of a hun- 
dred and seventy-one years ago, he submitted once 
more, as he had done over and over again already, 
to the chancellor's will, and he promised accord- 
ingly not to intervene again between his minister 
and the Bishop of Ermeland, or any other prelate 
against whom it might be necessary to take coercive 
measures. 

So when, emboldened by his former success, Dr. 
Krementz ventured to ask the emperor-king to be 
permitted to present himself before his majesty on 
the occasion of the emperor's recent visit (1872) to 
Marienburg, he received his answer from the chan- 
cellor, who told him, in so many dry words, that the 
emperor would not receive him unless he would 
previously renounce his insolent pretensions to act 
independently of, and even against, the law of the 
land. In reply to this, the bishop, trusting to the 
"ladies' party' at court, unreservedly adhered to 
the position assumed by him on the question of 
excommunication. The result has been that the 



J7- M< n tr/, have made t/ 

holy father, to his most hitter and intense grief, 
has seen his episcopal pay stopped at last. 

Of Bishop Andrea* Kiis it may be permitted to tell 
a characteristic trait, taken from Abel Pilon's great 
work on tin 1 late (Ecumenic Council, one of the 
greatest curiosities in the way of books ever published. 
This work consists of eight large volumes. It is 
richly illustrated, chiefly with portraits of Pius IX. 
and the other eleven popes who have held councils, 
the sixty cardinals then living (in 1870), the five 
hundred fathers who attended the late Vatican 
Council, fac-similes of their signatures, &c. Among 
these latter figure the autograph and signature of the 
Very Eeverend Father in God, Andreas Eas, Bishop 
of Strasburg. The sentiment of the autograph, 
which bears date Kome, 16th of May, 1870, is 
rather curious, and at least highly characteristic of 
the man. It is written in Latin. The English 
version is as follows : " Wherever thy fatherland 
be, it is a valley of tears. It is ridiculous to cling 
to it with such obstinate affection as men will do. 
One's country matters naught for good nor for evil." 
(Nullum patria bonum, radium facit malum.) It 
must be admitted that the right reverend bishop is 
candid, at least. He unblushingly gives expression 
to the most pernicious of all the pestilential prin- 
ciples of Komanism. True, such as he and his 
fellows are the "cleacl-soulecl" men who acknow- 
ledge no ties of country who are simply and solely, 



New German Empire. 279 

and exclusively and absolutely priests, not of the 
living God, but of the Baal of Eome. 

Archbishop Sclierr of Munich and Freising is 
one of the leading excommunicators. In his blind, 
frantic, infallibilist zeal he will stop short at nothing. 
One of the most earnest rejectors and denouncers 
of the papal infallibility dogma is a certain Mr. 
Bernard, parish priest of Kiefersfelden, near Kuf- 
stein (Tyrol). Having tried mild remonstrance and 
harsh threats- -both alike in vain- -to induce Mr. 
Bernard to submit to the supreme authority of the 
Eomish Church, Archbishop Scherr resolved at 
last to cast out the black shepherd from the fold. 
To impart a deeper solemnity to the ceremony, 
his grace went in his own most reverend person 
to dispossess the recalcitrant priest of his cure of 
souls. 

So, one fine day he appeared suddenly in the 
Otto chapel, near Kufstein, in full archiepiscopal 
canonicals and paraphernalia, to curse poor Mr. 
Bernard in the well-known style of Eomish cursing. 
He declared that renegade priest cast out from the 
blessed community of the Church of Christ, and by 
that fact deprived of his cure of souls, and dis- 
missed sempiternally from his sacred office. 

The congregation, who, like that of Father 
O'Keeffe, the parish priest of Calkin, happened to 
dearly love their spiritual guide, listened to the 
archbishop's cursing in mazed silence. When the 



12SO JA 



archiepiseopaJ performance was over, however, Scherr 
found himself suddenly confronted, from the stone 
pulpit in the o-;dlerv riinninu round the chapel, by the 
excommunicated man himself, also arrayed, in full 
canonicals, who protested in temperate but firm 
language against the illegal interference of the 
archbishop with his (the parish priest's) flock, and 
Itoldly told the prince of the Church to his face that 
he was firmly resolved to continue to act as parish 
priest, just as he had done up to that time, and 
without paying the slightest heed or attention to the 
archiepiscopal performance his flock had just been 
compelled to witness, to the grievous offence and 
injury of Christ's own true Church. 

The archbishop was taken completely by surprise. 
Fancy Paul Cullen to be tackled in a similar manner 
by Father O'Keeffe in the chapel of Callan ! He 
Scherr, not Cullen, of course shouted to the con- 
gregation, at the highest pitch of his voice, not to 
listen to the excommunicated and expelled priest of 
Belial. But his shouts were treated with cool, con- 
temptuous derision by the congregation, who lovingly 
gathered round their own pastor, solemnly vowing to 
stand faithfully by him, in spite of all bishops and 
archbishops, and even of the Pope himself. 

The poor discomfited archbishop then tried another 
tack. He betook him to blessing the congregation in 
the loudest way ; but this also remaining without the 
least impression upon their hardened hearts, his most 



New German Empire. 281 

reverend lordship at last made up his mind to go 
away considerably chopfallen. 

He was fain to rest content with appointing a red- 
hot, infallibilist zealot, one Father Stangl, vicarius in 
spiritiialibus of the parish of Kiefersfelden. As there 
happened to be a few, a very few, Nee-Catholics in 
the Kiefersfelden commune, Mr. Bernard, who is 
naturally of an amiable and conciliatory disposition 
and temper, permitted this man to officiate in his 
parish church for the very small minority of Neo- 
Catholics of his flock. 

But give the devil even the tip of your little finger, 
and he will use his utmost efforts to drag your whole 
body down to hell. Master Stangl would not long 
rest content with this kind concession, but resolved to 
try a coup d'eglise. 

So one fine day, when the parish priest was just in 
the midst of the celebration of high mass, this worthy 
son of the Eomish Church entered the sacred edifice 
in lay attire, and loudly called upon the congregation, 
in the name of the Archbishop of Munich, to leave 
the church, which he declared desecrated by the 
ministrations of an excommunicated schismatic. No 
one paid the slightest heed to his vociferations. He 
then addressed himself specially to the children pre- 
sent, who, however, remained also perfectly unmoved, 
most likely because the dear innocents did not even 
clearly understand what the brawling zealot meant by 
his virulent denunciations of their beloved pastor. 



.!/// /''//<> /tfr untile tJte 



T<> put an (.-ml t<> tin- M-andal, Mr. lirrnard at last, 
after all his exhortations to the manStangl had proved 
unavailing, bringing on simply fresh fits of cursing, 
f.-lt compelled lo use his right of master of the 
[remises; and so blaster Stangl was bundled out neck 
and cmp by a couple of strong-armed Kiefersfeldeners, 
who, it is iivrrivd, instead of honouring the mild 
instructions of their pastor in the observance, 
preferred honouring Stangl in the breech with a few 
vigorous kicks, just by way of a gentle caution not to 
come there again. Besides which, the poor man had to 
answer Mr. Bernard's complaint to the Civil Court for 
brawling in a place of public worship. 

Another of the most rabid section of archiepiscopal 
and episcopal excommunicators is the Most Keverend 
Father in God, Paulus Melchers, by Divine Mercy and 
the Grace of the Holy Apostolic See Archbishop of 
Cologne, one of the most shining lights now T (d non 
lucendo) of the darkest and densest Ultramontanism. 
(Archbishop Melchers is now in prison, and will soon 
be deprived of his see.) 

In one of his latest pastorals (1872), this Paulus 
of our days delivers him of an elaborate treatise on 
the necessity of faith, as he understands it- -to wit, 
absolute unreasoning, unconditional belief in all and 
everything that Eome may choose to teach. He 
calls upon his flock to cling to this blind faith, which 
he dubs the most precious gem bestowed upon man 
by God's mercy. 



New German Empire. 283 

"This pious, absolute faith is the light," he ex- 
claims, " without which we cannot discern the right 
way to our eternal destination : it is the root and 
origin of all Christian virtues, the one thing needful, 
without which we cannot hope to attain to eternal 
bliss. 'He that believeth not shall be damned/ 
sayeth our Divine Lord (St. Mark xvi. 16), and again, 
' He that believeth not is condemned already ' (St. 
John iii. 1 8). ' Without faith it is impossible to 
please God, 5 says the Apostle (Hebrews xi. 6)." 

It is said a certain dark personage is rather given 
to quoting Scripture to suit his own purposes. The 
Eomish hierarchy would certainly seem to take after 
this personage in this respect. 

" This faith," continues the archbishop, " is indis- 
pensable, not simply because the Lord Almighty has 
commanded it, and that it behoves man to uncon- 
ditionally accept and hold for true all that God, who 
is truth eternal, has revealed to him, but also and 
chiefly because our fallen nature, our feeble intel- 
ligence, impaired and obscured by the act and in- 
fluence of original sin, is no longer able to under- 
stand and comprehend of itself divine things and 
eternal truths in the way requisite for salvation. 
True, a few of these eternal truths, such as the 
existence of a Supreme Being, for instance, and the 
Immortality of the Soul, our human reason may 
still be able to conceive. But the history of all 
ages has sufficiently shown how difficult it is for 



-> 1 Men. tr/to //ere made f/tr 



man to conceive these truths without admixture of 



gross errors." 



Here our worthy archbishop lias unconsciously 
stumbled upon a great truth; what, indeed, is the 
entire Romish Church system but a grain of eternal 
truth buried and stifled under a heap of the grossest 
errors ? 

" Things divine," continues Paulus, " and the great 
truths of eternity are so sublime, and lie so far be- 
yond the perception of our senses and our natural 
ideas, that we can only believe in them as mysteries. 
As the sailor cannot trace his path across the im- 
mense ocean without the aid of the compass, as the 
astronomer cannot measure the stars of heaven and 
their orbits without the aid of the telescope ' ' (rather 
awkward illustrations these, my lord archbishop !) " so 
man, without the light of faith to aid him, is unable 
to find, in his pilgrimage through this life on earth, 
the right path to the Heavenly Fatherland. There- 
fore has the Love of God revealed to man all that 
is needed for his eternal salvation, and has com- 
manded him to believe in it, on forfeiture of Ins 
hope of eternal bliss." 

And now comes the gist of the matter. "This 
faith," says Paulus of Cologne, "without which we 
cannot be saved, is a supernatural, divine virtue, 
whose germ and essence is imparted to us by divine 
grace in the holy sacrament of baptism. It consists 
in the persistent will and faculty to believe implicitly 



New German Empire. 2S5 

in all and everything the Holy Church represents to 
us as of divine origin and revelation. Divine belief 
consists not in a mere tacit assent, a vague supposing 
or taking for granted ; it is an implicit conviction, 
an absolute, undoubting, and unconditional assurance 
of. the truth of the thing which forms its subject. 
And naught can ever form the subject of this divine 
belief but what the testimony of the Holy Church 
affirms to rest upon Divine revelation. We have 
superabundant proof of the infallibility of the Holy 
Roman Church." 

This the archbishop then proceeds to demonstrate 
at great length, in the approved Eomanist fashion, 
by bold assertion, gross perversion of facts, and still 
grosser twisting of biblical texts. Not content with 
demanding of the faithful believer tacit assent and 
obedient submission to all and every and any thing 
Rome may choose to proclaim to the world, he ab- 
solutely requires of him the sincerest internal con- 
viction of the truth, the divine truth, of Rome's 
teachings ! " Every conscious doubt," he says, " of 
the truth of what the Holy Roman Church affirms 
to be true, is rank rebellion against the divine au- 
thority with which the Almighty has endowed His 
Church. The believing Christian must submit his 
intelligence to the infallible authority of Holy 
Church, even though the mysteries of the revelation 
proclaimed transcend his reason." 

Regarding the papal infallibility dogma, the great 



/'*// have 



Paulus li;is the brow to declare that "this 
rests, equal lv with all other dogmas and tenets of 
the Chiuvh. upon divine revelation (!). It has, in 
fact and truth, always existed in the traditions of 
the Church, and has at all times been h'ld as an 
article of faith, although it had not before this been 
solemnly proclaimed to the world. The late Vatican 
decrees are founded on Holy Writ and unassailable 
tradition ! ' 

In what passage of Holy Writ the slenderest 
foundation even can be found for the late Vatican 
decrees, the great Paulus of course leaves us to find 
out for ourselves. 

Having thus assigned with almost incredible as- 
surance a divine origin to the papal infallibility 
dogma, and claimed for it the unimpeachable au- 
thority of Holy Writ, Archbishop Paulus Melchers 
proceeds in this marvellous pastoral of his to make 
a fierce onslaught upon what he is pleased to call the 
" conceit of knowledge," which he contends is the 
bane of this unbelieving age. With fiery zeal he 
denounces all systems of education that are not 
based exclusively upon the tenets of the Church of 
Rome, which said Church is proclaimed by him to 
be the only safe shield and protection of Christian 
belief and true morality ! 

He then comes down with thundering eloquence 

upon those abominations in the sight of the Almighty 

-mixed marriages and civil marriages. He winds 



New German Empire. 287 

up ultimately by hurling a complete armoury of the 
choicest anathemas upon the devoted heads of the men 
of the fourth estate, whom he brands as the pesti- 
lential propagators of so-called Liberal ideas. He 
implores his flock not to let their eyes be blinded, 
their intellects dazed, their minds destroyed, and 
their souls killed by the deadly poison of un-Catholic 
and anti-Catholic journals. He tells them to apply 
to their parish priests and chaplains for advice and 
instruction in the selection of proper reading for 
them. He warmly urges them to subscribe largely 
and liberally to the Romish papers, such as the noble 
Germania, the Vaterland of Dr. Sigl, the Vaterland 
of Count Leo Thun, the Munich Volhfreund, the 
Volksbote, the Deutsche Reieliszeitung r , and other- 
well, let us say famous publications of the same 
" high " moral stamp. 

He also strongly advises them to read the Lives 
of the Saints, and other good books, such as the 
popular translation of the renowned Pietas quoti- 
diana erga beatissimam Virginem Mariam, printed 
in the original Latin for the special use of Jesuit 
schools, cum facilitate superiorum on the title-page. 

This fine work, so particularly suited for the re- 
ligious instruction and moral guidance of in^enu- 

o O O 

ous youth, and so specially calculated to nurture 
and develop the noblest gifts of God to man- -the 
mind and intellect- -gives for every day of the year 
the narration of a remarkable event in the life of one 



/Ji<> It"/'!' nni'lc tli<> 



of the saints, the s;ii<l event being intimately con- 
nect c(l \vitli the adoration of the Holy Virgin. A 
few instances, taken at haphazard out of the collec- 
tion of three hundred and threescore odd \vondrous 
narrations, will suffice to show the character and 
tendency of the book. 

Thus, the story for the 9th of April relates how 
" Holy William ' -not he whose praises Burns has 
sung so sweetly- -had so much loved the Virgin 
Mary, that after his death there grew out of his 
mouth a miraculous lily, with " Ave Maria ! ' 
stamped on it in golden letters. That for the 6th 
of August, how St. G-igistenus, the holy shepherd- 
w r ho may have been a most pious Mariolater, but 
would certainly seem to have been a most unfaithful 
shepherd- -used to attend assiduously to his devotions 
at all and any time of the day, piously intrusting 
the tending of his flock meanwhile to the loving 
care of the Virgin Mary, who, the story gravely 
informs us, always sent down an angel on this 
special service. That for the 5th of December, how 
St. Abbas could never touch an apple, nor even sit by 
to see other people eat apples, as it always reminded 
him of Eve's shameful fall. 

Then there is a story, gravely told, of another 
holy man, who was so modest that when they came 
to wash his body after his death, the corpse was seen 
three distinct times to wave off the women charged 
with this office. Is not this rich, and is it not 



New German Empire. 289 

singularly calculated to cultivate modesty in young 
lads and lasses ? It need hardly be added that the 
book abounds in tales of seduction, some of them 
indecently prurient, just the sort of thing to raise 
a blush on the cheek of innocence, or even, as poor 
Paul Bedford used to say of certain stories he had 
had to listen to occasionally in the experience of his 
life, to make vice sick. 

If the wretched panderers to vice in the obscene 
literature line had but known what a mass of bestiality 
might be dug out of this class of Romish educational 
learning, what a good thing they might have made 
of its importation, mayhap without incurring the 
risk of so many months of forced seclusion from 
the outer world as some of them have had to 
suffer ! Even in Bavaria, where a great deal in this 
way can be put up with, the minister of public 
worship has been compelled to prohibit, for decency's 
sake, the use of this precious " Holy Virgin 
adoration ' production in the public schools and 
gymnasiums. 

I will now give a few quotations from the pious 
columns of the Volksfreund and of the renowned 
Dr. Sigl's Vaterland, which may serve to show 
the true character of the journalistic literature so 
warmly and urgently recommended to the faithful 
by the great Paulus of Cologne and his episcopal 
brethren of Munich, Passau, Augsburg, Hatisbon, and 
Mayence. 

VOL. L V 



J90 M'-.'i ti'h > /i<tre made the 



Some time ago a Bavarian gentleman happened 
to die, one who h;id L;TO\VII s>'ivy in the service of 
the state, a man of unblemished reputation, of most 
amiable disposition, esteemed by every good and 
honourable man in the land, and a pious Catholic 
too, though not a thick-and-thin supporter of Koman- 
ist errors and pretensions. Well, Dr. Sigl, the pet of 
the episcopate, thought he could not turn the occa- 
sion to better account than to call upon the readers 
of his precious Vaterland " to rejoice with him that 
another enemy of the Holy Father had been carried 
by the devil down to hell and eternal perdition ! ' 

The Munich Volksfreund some time ago had a 
remarkable article, in which the sad falling off in 
the reverence and submission due to the "source of 
all light " to wit, his holiness the Pope- -was at- 
tributed simply to the working of the coal mines ! 
" Know ye not," said the learned editor of this so- 
called friend of the people, "that it is written in 
the Holy Book, ' And darkness was upon the face of 
the deep ; and God said, Let there be light, and there 
was light ? ' Now, whither did that darkness go which 
had thus been expelled by the new light created ? 
It was precipitated into the depths of the earth- -in 
the form of coal (!)--and ever since, presumptuous 
man has been digging up again this condensed dark- 
ness ; the reign of darkness has returned to the upper 
world, where it wars against the light of our holy 
religion ! ' 



New German Empire. 291 

The schools in Bavaria have for long years been 
absolutely and exclusively in the hands of the Komish 
priesthood. To what low depth of condensed dark- 
ness must the teachings of that priesthood have 
reduced a people that can be made to swallow such 
nauseous trash ! 

The writer Sigl, of the Vaterland of Munich, is 
the most vituperative of the Romish journalists in 
Germany. He beats Veuillot and Majunke hollow, 
and he certainly could give points to the worst 
specimens of the transatlantic editor. Of late he had 
grown so outrageous in his language, that even his 
warm protectors, the Archbishop of Munich and his 
chapter, deemed it imperatively necessary to remon- 
strate with him, and to counsel a little moderation, 
whereupon the worthy doctor coolly writes in his 
journal : 

" The Vaterland s mode of fighting the enemies of 
the Church seems to displease some people. We 
should like to know what these squeamish people 
would have. Beasts, gentlemen who remonstrate 
with us, must not be laved with Eau de Cologne, or 
propitiated with buttered buns and gingerbread. 
They must be hit hard over the snout, to make them 
roar again with the smart. And it is with beasts, in 
sober truth, that we Catholics have to contend in this 
new-fangled empire ! ' Considering that the Bavarian 
and imperial German ministers and the Bavarian 
king and the German emperor are the parties here 

u 2 



J1-J J/< // H'liu hurt' III<1<' tin' 



so elegantly <ju;iliii -1 as "beasts" it is truly astonish- 
ing-how people in this country eaii still pretend thai 
there is DO liberty of the press in Germany. 

What the I'-arln'iiLfs of such pastorals as those of 
the Aivhl>ishop of Cologne, and certain kindled 
productions by some of his most and right reverend 
brethren in the Pope of Eome are calculated to lead 
to, the writer had an opportunity of witnessing on the 
occasion of a late visit to Elberfeld. Elberfeld and 
Barmen are twin cities in the so-called Wupperthal, 
or valley of the river Wupper, better known as the 
Muckerthal, the chief seat of the rankest pietistry of 
Protestant Germany. Of the 150,000 inhabitants 
possessed jointly by the twin cities, nearly 140,000 
are Protestants, and only about 12,000 profess the 

/ 

Catholic religion. Elberfeld more particularly is the 
centre of the stiffest Protestant orthodoxy. 

Well, the writer had occasion, through the kindness 
of a friend, a sincere Papist with anti-infallibilist 
leanings, to assist at a select meeting of gentlemen of 
the Eoniish Church, which had been convened to 
consider the probable effect of a late gathering of Old 
Catholics in a oreat German citv which has long been 

*/ O 

the seat of Eoman Catholicism. Whether the fact 
that this meeting was held in an ultra-Protestant 
town may have had something to do with the matter, 
the writer will not undertake to say, but he found 
that the speeches made and the expressions used were 
singularly moderate, not to say benevolent, towards 



New German Empire. 293 

Dollinger, Sehulte, Reinkens, Michelis, and the other 
leaders of the secessionist movement, who, it was to 
be most deeply regretted, it was averred by some of 
the leading speakers had unhappily been misled by 
the " conceit of knowledge," as Dr. Paulus Melchers, 
the Archbishop of Cologne, had so appropriately and 
felicitously denned the cause of the aberration and 
deviation from the right path of these formerly great 
Catholic doctors. 

Such was the general tenor of all the speeches 
made, with the exception of one delivered by a 
young chaplain who had been brought up in a 
Jesuit college, and who was more than suspected 
of being one of the secret members of the Jesuit 
fraternity. 

This son of Loyola spoke in a very different strain 
indeed. lie declared he could not sit by and listen 
calmly to attempts to plead excuses for such mon- 
strous arch-heresiarchs as the men whose demoniac 
spirit of rebellion would not let them stop short even 
of loading the most atrocious parricide upon their sin- 
burthened souls (!), for it was no secret that the 
Most Holy Father had been struck to the heart by 
their revolt against his supreme authority, which 
revolt he (the speaker) could only compare to the 
rising of Lucifer against the Most High, or to the 
rebellion of Korali against Moses, and to the attacks 
made upon the Holy Catholic Church of Rome by 
Savonarola, Arnold of Brescia, Wycliffe, Huss, Jerome 



the 



of Prague, Luther, ;m<l ;i host of other "pestilent 
devils ! ' 

The Most Hu>'h had thrust Lucifer and his seditious 
following from heaven down into the deepest pit of 
In -11. He had made the earth open her mouth and 
swallow up Korah and all that appertained unto him. 
He had sent fire from heaven to consume Dathan and 
Abirum and all that appertained unto them ! 

In the good old days (!), when faith still held 
supreme sway over the Christian world, and the ad- 
versary of God and man had not yet stirred up in the 
congregations of believers that most detestable and 
most sinful spirit of doubt and inquiry which blabber- 
ing fools called reason, the Church used to proceed in 
faithful imitation of the Most High- -it lopped off 
its rotten branches. So long as it did this there 
was no danger that damnable heresies would ever 

o 

obtain a firm hold on any considerable portion of 
the Christian community. Most unhappily, however, 
a foolish, nay, a sinful spirit of indulgence and 
forbearance had replaced the rigid old sternness of 
principle. 

Had Luther, Melancthon, Zwingii, Calvin, and the 
rest of the devil's band of so-called Reformers been 
burnt at the stake, or hanged on gallows, the Church 
would not now have to witness this sedition of 
Dollinger and his following of wretched " reasoners," 
who in the blind conceit of their so-called knowledge 
would fain oppose the placing the keystone in the 



New German Empire. 295 

great arch of all saving faith- -the acceptance of the 
divine dogma of papal infallibility, emanating from 
the direct inspiration of the Holy Ghost ! 

Yes, Dr. Melchers was quite right to call it the 
conceit of knowledge. What was the real nature of 
this knowledge of which these poor fools were so 
proud, and for the sake of which alone they were 
forfeiting their eternal welfare ? Had they not read 
their Bible ? Did they not know that it was by 
Satan's counsel that man was first beguiled to taste of 
the pernicious fruit ? Yea ! with knowledge came sin 
into the world ! 

So the good young man raved on, quoting Scripture 
passages by the yard to prove that no mercy should 
be shown to Dollinger and his co-rebels, who were 
liberally compared to the fruitless, leafy fig-tree 
which Christ cursed, and to the offending eyes and 
limbs which He commands His followers to pluck out 
and cut off, and cast from them. 

All this was delivered with most impressive in- 
tensity of intonation and zest ; and the young speaker 
seemed to be terribly in earnest. 

At last he branched off into a fierce denunciation 
of the notorious wine-bibbing and beer-guzzling of 
the good Elberfelders, which, considering the pro- 
tuberant corporations and the copper-noses of most of 
the elder Catholic ecclesiastics present on the occasion, 
seemed rather impertinent and perhaps slightly out of 
place. Upon this subject he waxed so eloquent that 



_ )( .)G Mi' it (C/io /nu'c made the 



it would truly have ivjoirrd tin- hearts of Dr. Alan- 
iiing, Sir Wilfrid Lawsuii, and others of that class to 
hear him, and would have made their eyes overflow, 
albeit not with crusty old port and double-distilled 
cognac. 

How the sermon ended, and whether any of the 
<-ldcr priests present rebuked their young brother's 
tiery zeal afterwards, the writer cannot tell, as his 
friend and guide, who averred that he knew the young 
champion of fire and water to be himself much given 
to Bacchus and Gambrinus, and that he had good 
reason to misdoubt his actual soberness then, declared 
he could not stand the hypocritical rant any longer, 
and insisted upon leaving. 

His good episcopal lordship of Augsburg, the 
learned Doctor Pancratius von Dinkel, is another 
most determined champion of excommunication, in- 
terdict, and suspension under the provisions of the 
precious " Apostolicae Sedis ' constitution of the 
firebrand Pope Pius IX. But, like his episcopal 
brethren of Munich, Cologne, Breslau, Ermeland, &c., 
he has been but moderately successful in his crusade 
against the anti-infallibilist clergy of his diocese. 

There is notably the case of one Kenftle, a recal- 
citrant parish priest in his diocese, who has excited 
the head shepherd's most holy anger and most pious 
grief. This God-abandoned man had presumed to 
reject the dogma of papal infallibility in the teeth 
of the sternest and most peremptory episcopal 



\ 

New German Empire. 297 

injunction to believe in it himself/ and Lnake his 
parishioners believe in it, for which gross and glaring 
act of contumacy the bishop dismissed him \of his 
own sole authority from his sacerdotal office. The 
hardened sinner flatly refused to part with his living, 
and the Bavarian government, impiously professing 
to act in strict conformity with the letter and spirit 
of the constitution of the land, declined sanctioning 
the episcopal decree of dismissal, w r hich they had 
the hardihood even to qualify as " an act of usurpa- 
tion of the power and functions of the state." 

It was not of course likely that the bishop would 
submit to this audacious interference with his rights, 
powers, and privileges ; so he addressed a formal 
complaint to the Bavarian chambers, that the govern- 
ment had illegally obstructed him in the free exercise 
of his spiritual authority. 

Now the anti-German and anti-Liberal coalition 
of the two sections of Ultrarnontanes and Particu- 
iarists formed at the time the undoubted majority in 
the Bavarian Lower Chamber. So victory was con- 
fidently anticipated by the infallibilists ; and, indeed, 
they gained the first step. The bishop's complaint 
was referred to a committee, which decided that it 
should be taken into consideration by the house. A 
sharp and keen debate ensued. Ministers w^ere 
strongly attacked and bitterly reviled by the leaders 
of the two coalesced sections. But they replied with 
spirit and effect. In the division which took place 



jf)8 



at tlie end of the d<-K-it', llic Ultramontancs carried 
in ity canon in an armchair, that they might 

ben< lit by his pivrious vote. 

The Liberals, not to be outdone, had poor Muller, 

[ the deputies of the palatinate, who had had 

misfortune of sustaining a bad fracture of the 

nigh, brought all the way from his home in the 

datinate up to Munich, with his broken limb firmly 

imbedded in a plaster of Paris casing. Mind, this 

was in the winter, and the patriotic man ran thus the 

most imminent danger of paying dearly for his 

unswerving loyalty to his country and his party. 

Three members of the Particularist section let 
themselves be gained over by ministerial eloquence 
and common sense, and ratted from the coalition. 
Thus it came to pass in the division that the numbers 
were equal on both sides- -76 to 76 ; and the episco- 
pal motion w T as lamentably lost. 

4 

Dr. Senestry, the Eomish bishop of Eatisbon, of 
whom I have had occasion to speak before, has also 
had to deplore, in his excommunication campaign 
against " apostate ' priests in his diocese, the un- 
reasonable and impious opposition of the temporal 
authorities. This man is certainly the boldest of the 
violet janissaries of Jesuitry, even Kettler of Mayence 
not excepted. It is this Dr. Senestry who openly 
avows and proclaims Pope Boniface VIII. ; s monstrous 
doctrine, as laid dow r n in the famous Unam Sanctum 
bull, which would subject all ordinances of the 



New German Empire. 299 

temporal power to the supreme and divine authority 
of the laws, decrees, rules, and regulations of the 
Church of Rome! 

There can hardly be a doubt that the other Romish 
bishops in Germany hold pretty much the same 
view of the divine supremacy of Rome, only they 
are not quite so boldly outspoken as Dr. Senestry is ; 
and, for the matter of that, our own Cullens and 
Mannings are just as decided " suprematists " as their 
German brethren in the Pope, only that they are too 
wily to pluck at unripe pears. 

Mayhap the time may come sooner than expected 
when these gentlemen also will drop all disguise, and 
unveil to the bewildered gaze of the Protestants of 
England the hidden charms of the Church of Rome 
in all their mediaeval beauty. A sad look-out for our 
country ! Happily there is this great consolation, 
that all lies, however huge, are doomed to perish in 
the end, vanishing in the light of all-conquering truth, 
the same as the hardest-frozen icebergs will melt away 
in the rays of the sun. 

Dr. Henry Forster, Prince-Bishop of Breslau, is 
another star of the first magnitude in the bright con- 
stellation of excommunicators. This gentleman passes, 
and not unjustly so, for a deeply -learned ecclesi- 
astic. In the great controversy which preceded the 
final decision of the Infallibility Council, he brought 
all his learning and acute reasoning powers to bear 
against the Vatican demands ; but at last he " caved 



Mm u'lin //r//v made 



in' like the rest. ;m<l ton!., \viili extraordinary and 
most fiiTv zeal to eursmo- those honest men who 

o 

faithfully stuck t<> their colours <ni<l boldly continued 

to avow their ant i-inl'alliltilist convictions in the teeth 
of the spurious decision of a packed majority of sham 
bishops. 

He showed himself the bitterest of the bitter in 
the feud with these honest men, more particularly 
with Dr. Keinkens, one of the leaders of the Old 
Catholic movement a man of still deeper learning 
than is possessed by Dr. Forster. Dr. Keinkens, who 
is now the first bishop of the Old Catholics of 
Germany, is, indeed, barely second in ecclesiastical 
lore to even the great Dollinger himself, and almost 
rivals Professor Schulte in extensive and profound 
knowledge of the canon law. He is a man still in 
the prime of life, of most amiable disposition and 
conciliatory manners, and gifted with rare eloquence, 
enhanced by the charm of a most pleasing and 
flexible organ. In the annus mirdbilis 1866, the 
writer enjoyed the rare privilege of passing many 
happy evenings at the Zwinger in Breslau, in the 
society of Dr. Keinkens, then Kector Magnificus 
of the Breslau University ; and he has the most 
pleasing recollection how he, in common with all 
around, used to hang rapt and entranced upon th<~ 
sweet suasion flowing from the honeyed lips of that 
Gamaliel. 

Upon the devoted head of this man the prince- 



New German Empire. 301 

bishop poured more especially the full vials of his 
wrath, exhausting the whole armoury of suspensions, 
interdicts, and excommunications. He cursed him 
with a grievous curse indeed, but apparently with no 
great effect, Dr. Reinkens remaining as stout as ever 
in his thorough repudiation of Romish error and 
popish presumption, and drawing more and more 
disciples to follow in his wake. 

Seeing which, and appreciating the fact at its true 
value and import, Henry Forster, who is by no 
means a fool in his generation, has of late (1872) 
been skilfully preparing a strategic movement to the 
rear, with a view, clearly, to an ultimate backing out 
in the event of the Ultramontanists being finally 
worsted in the present struggle. 

Through his own special organ, the SMesische 
Volks Zeitung, he has lately once more proclaimed to 
the world his real views on the papal infallibility 
dogma, which the episcopally-inspired writer in that 
paper declares to have been " concocted by its authors, 
and passed through the council in a manner most 
objectionable, that has left a biting sting behind in 
the minds of many good Catholics, a sting which in 
German minds means something very different from 
what might be the case with other nations/' 

" How many Catholics," continues the inspired 
writer, " are there in Germany who are no longer 
Roman Catholics ? and how many who have hitherto 
remained Roman simply because they could afford to 



302 Men wlio 



continue to be so without grievous disadvantage to 
their interests, 1ml who will speedily talk in another 
strain when heavi< --r times shall come, and who will 
dun-fully rat to the M-cessioiiist movement so soon as 
the state shall put <>n the screw with full force?' 

He warns his readers not to indulge over freely in 

/ 

uncalled-for dogmatic utterances anent "doctrinal 

o 

divergences of opinion, which can only tend to 
alienate honest men of all parties from the cause 
of the Catholic religion." 

True, Bishop Forster does his best to keep his rear 
quite clear in the matter, so that he may be free to 
act in any way and direction events and circumstances 
may point to. No one need wonder that he should 
anxiously and ostentatiously repudiate all and every 
solidarity of opinion with his own recognized organ, 
stoutly averring that he has nothing whatever to do 
with the articles therein appearing. This may do 
for outsiders, but those who are in a position to 
take an occasional peep behind the scenes know full 
well that, though another hand may have guided 
the pen, it certainly was Dr. Forster's brain that 
guided the hand. 

There remains now only one more of the more 
prominent members of the Romish episcopate in 
Germany of whom a few words have to be said, to 
wit, Monsignor Namszanowski, Bishop of Agathopolis 
in partibus infidelium, late Catholic Chaplain -General 
of the Prussian armv. 



New German Empire. 303 

This man is one of the most rabid " Piononists ' 
of the bunch of Eomish priests in Germany. After 
a long course of most patient and forbearing endur- 
ance of his haughty contumely of the state and its 
laws, the Prussian government saw itself at last com- 
pelled to suspend him and his vicar-general, a mere 
subservient tool of his, from the exercise of their 
ecclesiastic functions in the army. 

In the very teeth of this suspension the con- 
tumacious priest persisted in acting as if the state 
and its authority and laws had no actual tangible 
existence for him. He continued to hurl anathemas 
by the dozen upon the devoted heads of Old Catholic 
army chaplains, and to direct the Neo-Catholic 
chaplains to set openly at defiance the orders of the 
military authorities in all church matters. In the 
free distribution of his thunderbolts of suspension, 
interdict, and excommunication, this fiery zealot did 
not restrict himself to those among his clergy who 
simply reject the infallibility dogma ; but he liberally 
bestowed these bounties upon all breakers of the 
disciplinary laws of the Church. 

Like Paulus of Cologne, he entertains the deepest 
aversion to mixed marriages, contracted without the 
proviso of the rearing of the children in the tenets of 
the Romish creed. Formerly, before the Civil Marriage 
Act was passed, the law in Prussia required that the 
Catholic ecclesiastic authorities should sanction the 
celebration of mixed marriages without insisting on 



304 Men "7/" l<r< made 



;my such proviso. This was tlir tln-niy : but practically 
every ima/multlf obstacle was tin-own by the high 
Catholic rlrrgv in the way of such marriages without 
the Catholic proviso, and law-abiding Catholic priests 
who rrlrhraicd u niMiTijigc of this kind without the 
special -auction of their diocesan were often vi<it"d 
with all the high penalties of the Church. Some two 
years and a half ago (15th of November, 1869), 
Prince Charles of Roumania, who belongs to the 
Catholic branch of the Hohenzollerns, married a 
princess of the Protestant House of Neuwied. The 
marriage was celebrated in strict obedience to the 
law of the land, by Dr. Kaiser of Dlisseldorf, who 
then held the position of Divisional Catholic Chaplain 
in the Prussian arniv. The wrathful Monsignor of 

v O 

Agathopolis suspended him at once from his functions, 
for " a gross breach of the disciplinary laws of the 
Holy Roman Catholic Church." Some time after, 
when the exigencies of the war then raging between 
Germany and France made it slightly unsafe for the 
Chaplain-General of the Forces to indulge in the 
luxury of a tyrannous exercise of an unlawful 
authority, this suspension was removed. After the 
war, Xamszanowski suddenly took it into his head to 
renew it, declaring it final at the same time, and 
irrevocable but by the supreme head of the Church of 
Rome,- -the poor divisional chaplain being coolly told 
to go to Rome " on his knees/ 3 and at the feet of 
holr Pius IX, with "a contrite heart and a crushed 



New German Empire. 305 

soul/' crave remission of his " gross sin," and forgive- 
ness of liis (f monstrous crime ! ; 

Such and their like, as it has been endeavoured to 
sketch them here in brief outline, are the men who 
stand banded together against the authority of the 
state and the supremacy of the law in Germany, and 
whom the government of the land sees itself at 
last, however reluctantly, compelled to put down by 
the strong hand. 

And when a foreign government finds itself thus 
driven, very much against its will, to take legal 
measures, in conjunction with the representatives of 
the people, for the protection of all citizens of the 
state alike against the most monstrous tyranny 
ever attempted since the dark days of the Middle 
Age, our blessed Catholic Unions of Great Britain 
and Ireland must impertinently and insolently take 
upon themselves to send sympathizing, encouraging, 
and congratulatory addresses to the worst Kornish 
contemners of and offenders against the law of a land 
whose affairs certainly are no legitimate concern of 
British citizens. 

And the pragmatical old Spectator must, forsooth, 
descend to treat its readers to twaddle like the 
following :- -" The Prussian Liberals despise the toil- 
some way of undermining the foundations of the great 
authoritative Church (!), and prefer to resort to the 
old-fashioned method of persecution (!). They will 
reap what they are sowing. The freest private 

VOL. i. x 



H irJio 1m re ni<l<' tin* 



thought in Europe lias been hitherto that of Germany, 
but it will not long survive this shameful confession 

o 

of weakness (!), this spasmodic terror of the Church 
of Komr. The State which authoritatively persecutes 
an authoritative Church will find itself cutting its 
own ground from under its feet, and leading impartial 
German citizens to suppose that there must be truth 
behind a system so formidable as to call for state 
aid to assail it (!). It is an ill omen for the infant 
empire of Germany, that in its very earliest days 
it is abandoning the sober traditions of that free 
thought and free religious combination from which 
the intellectual influence of Germany has sprung, and 
substituting for it a principle of dictatorial scepticism 
and jealous domination." 

One would barely think it possible to cram so 
much ignorance of the real facts of the case, combined 
with such gross presumption of criticism, within so 
limited a space. 

It now only remains to show the true nature and 
scope of the Old Catholic movement in Germany, 
which is but imperfectly understood in this country. 

Never before in the world's history has there been 
a reform movement of such magnitude and importance 
so fiercely assailed by enemies, so hesitatingly, luke- 
warmly, and half-heartedly supported by friends and 
sympathizers, as the present so-called Old Catholic 
movement in Germany. 

This is the third great secession movement from 



New German Empire. 307 

Eome which Germany has witnessed in the course of 
the last four hundred and seventy years. 

The first strong effort to check the audacious 
encroachments and repel the monstrous pretensions of 
Eome was initiated at the beginning of the fifteenth 
century by John Hus of Hussinec (the Czech way of 
spelling the name). Properly speaking, this was not 
a German movement. John Huss, who strangely 
enough is spoken of by many historians as one of the 
leading German reformers, and a man of singularly 
large and liberal mind, was a Czech, and most un- 
fortunately, one of the densest and intensest Czechs 
of his time, and the blindest and fiercest foe to 
everything German. 

When this unhappy man began his truly fatal 
career upon the religio-political stage, Germanization 
had made very considerable progress in Bohemia, and 
the Czechian part of the population of that land 
had been impelled to make large strides forward on 
the road to civilization. The German University of 
Prague, founded in 1348, was then one of the chief 
seats of learning in Europe. At this University 

Huss held the divinity chair. 

The man was thoroughly honest and sincere in all 
his acts and intentions ; but his intense Slavism, and 
his fierce, unreasoning Germanophobia clouded his 
mind and dwarfed his understanding. The pre- 
ponderance, nay, the mere presence, of the German 
element at the Prague University filled his soul with 

x 2 



308 M<-n wJio /tare made 



bitter envy and hatred, and, naturally dr>pairing of 
all chance of accomplishing aught against German 
intellectual superiority in the legitimate field of fair 
competition and emulation, he set himself to work, 
with the unswerving pertinacity of Czech malignancy, 
upon the very poor mind of the indolent and incapable 
Wenzeslas, until he finally succeeded in obtaining 
from that worst scion of the bad house of Luxemburg 
the expulsion of the Germans from their legitimate 
position in the University of Prague. 

This was in 1409. With the king's decree in his 
pouch, he triumphantly mounted the pulpit to call 
upon his dearly beloved Czech brethren to join with 
him in thanks to God for His signal mercy just vouch- 
safed unto them. " Praise be to the Almighty, my 
children," he fervently exclaimed, exultingly waving 
the decree high over his head,- -" Praise and glory be 
to Him who has so graciously helped us in our 
arduous efforts to expel these hated Germans from 
our (!) University, and has given us the victory at 
last ! " 

Zisca subsequently completed this victory of the 
Czech over the German element in Bohemia. 

Look at that unhappy country now, and behold the 
sad results ! An ancient sage held that the most 
formidable punishment inflicted hereafter upon 
mischievous busybodies and ambitious wrongheads, 
would be to compel them to look on, helpless and 
hopeless, whilst the natural consequences of their bad 



New German Empire. 309 

and wild acts and deeds were inexorably developing 
their inevitable results before their spell-bound eyes. 
If there be truth in this strange speculation, how 
bitterly Huss must feel to the present day the fruits 
of the " glorious ' ' victory so blasphemously celebrated 
by him at Prague more than four centuries and a 
half ago ! 

This unhappy Germanophobia of the Bohemian 
professor proved in the result also the most fatal 
hindrance to the full success of his earnest labours for 
a radical reform of the Church of Borne, which but 
for this might have had a very different issue. 
Hatred begets hatred. What wonder, then, that the 
Germans, so blindly and malignantly persecuted by 
Huss, should have learnt only too well the evil lesson 
taught them by their Czech enemy, and should 
ultimately e\^en have bettered the instruction ! 

Huss first began his reformatory work about 1402. 
Long before this, in the second half of the fourteenth 
century, three of the most enlightened men of the 
age Stiekna, Milicz, and Janow had prepared the 
way in Bohemia for the coming reformer and his new 
gospel, by teaching the people the doctrine and tenets 
of good John WicHffe. 

At the beginning of his reformatory career Huss 
stopped, far short indeed of the demands of his 
great predecessors. Nay, when certain English 
students who were then attending his divinity 
lectures at the Prague University, urged him to read 



310 Men who hace in fide the 

the works of the great proto-reformer Wieliffe, he 
declined at first, with every sign of pious horror, to 
read the "blasphemous heresies of that pernicious 
Anglican schismatic." At last, however, In- was 
prevailed upon to read, and, behold ! he found the 
doctrine of Wieliffe in singular accord with his own 
latent views and opinions. From this time forward 
his onsets upon the errors of Eome grew bolder. 

Still for years the dispute between him and the 
Pope was carried on wdth much courtesy on both 
sides, and even with singular forbearance on the 
part of Rome, the Pope hesitating a very long while 
before he could make up his apostolic mind to hurl 
the bolt of excommunication at the Prague professor. 

Even after the publication of Huss's book, De 
Ecclesid, in which the reformer sturdily maintained 
that the true Church was truly spiritual, and had 
nothing whatever to do with temporal power and 
authority ; that Christ alone was the head of the 
Church, and the pretended vicegerency of the Bishop 
of Rome a monstrous lie, which it was sacrilegiously 
sought to maintain in the very face of the opposing 
authority of Holy Writ; and that the Bible knew 
nothing of popes and cardinals,- -Rome still continued 
to evince an earnest desire for conciliation, which 
actually induced Pope Johannes XXIII. to repeal 
the excommunication bull on the occasion of the 
reformer's citation to appear before the council at 
Constance (1414). 



Neiv German Umpire. 311 

Nay, the Pope's judge of heretics in Bohemia, 
Nicolas, Bishop of Nazareth, solemnly certified 
before a notary public that he had many times and 
oft conversed with Master John Huss, had eaten 
with him and drunk with him, and attended his 
preachings, yet had never detected error or heresy 
in him, but had always found him, in all his words 
and acts, a true and sincere Catholic. Pope Johannes 
even joined in the Emperor Sigismund's safe- conduct 
granted to the Bohemian schismatic. 

And truly it was not Eome in this instance that 
could justly be accused of the horrible murder of 
the unhappy man. There was no pope at the time 
of his trial. It was a concatenation of fatal cir- 
cumstances, independent of Eome's will and interest, 
that led to the final catastrophe which made a martyr 
of Huss and covered the great Council of Constance 
with indelible disgrace. 

The moderate reformers, with Johannes Gerson 
and Peter of Ailly at their head, regarded the Bohe- 
mian as an impracticable firebrand, and as the greatest 
obstacle in the way of a moderate, practical reform 
of the Church of Eome, such as they themselves were 
bent upon imposing upon the council. 

Then there were Huss's deadly enemies, Stephen 
Palacz and Michael de Causis, who unhappily wielded 
a most formidable influence in the council, which 
they used most unscrupulously to work his ruin. 

Then all the rich prelates were deeply embittered 



312 Mm n'lin lmr,- made ?!/< 

against the reformer for that he had dared to counsel 

o 

the confiscation of their accumulated vast wealth and 
their rich livings for the benefit of the state. 

o 

And lastly, and most fatal of all, there was the 
bitter enmity of the Germans, who refused to see 
aught in poor Huss, delivered at last into their hands, 
but the man who had all through life been their 
irreconcilable and victorious foe. 

It has thus been shown how Rome treated Huss, 
for some twelve years at least, with comparative 
tenderness. 

Luther, also, who yet showed himself from the 
very outset of his reformatory career a much more 
uncompromising and determined foe to Rome than 
poor Dollinger and most of his followers can be 
said to have clone as yet, was not, for nearly three 
years after the publication of his famous ninety-five 
theses against papal absolution, treated with a tithe 
even of the virulent animosity that we see displayed 
by the Jesuits and Ultramontanists of our day against 
the leaders of the comparatively very mild anti- 
infallibilist movement. 

No terms are deemed too opprobrious, it would 
appear, to apply to such men as Dollinger, Huber, 
Michelis, Friedrich, Reinkens, Schnlte, Zirngiebl, 
Maassen, Keller, Anton, and a host of other eminent 
Catholic professors who repudiate the late Vatican 
decrees. 

Thus that brilliant Ultramontanist organ, the 



New German Empire. 313 

Donau Zeitung, asserts, for instance, that the faces 
of these secessionists are such awful libels upon the 
Aryan race, that they ought to be " confiscated " for 
the honour and in the interest of that race ! 

Another clerical scribe will have it that Satan 
has so unmistakably set his mark upon " Dollinger 
and his crew/' that the kindest angel of salvation 
cannot fail to see it! Is it not truly astonishing 
how men with such truly patibular and " hell-marked ' 
countenances as these unhappy IMlingerians are now 
declared to carry patent in the light of day, could 
ever have succeeded in attaining to high ecclesiastical 
dignities, and could so long have been held up before 
the world as the only lights and oracles of the most 
orthodox of all Eoman Churches ? 

Nor would it appear that the Dollingerian pro- 
fessors have fared much better at the hands of the 
more liberal section of the Catholics in Germany. 
Many years ago the late Heinrich Heine applied to 
poor Dollinger, then the biggest canonic gun and 
the most ardent and uncompromising champion of 
popery in Germany, the opprobrious epithet of 
" archinfamous ; (der erzinfame Pfaffe Dollin- 
gerius). It is strange how this epithet seems to 
stick to him to the present day, and how even many 
of the most sincere among the secessionists, who 
are now apparently marching under his banner, 
continue to look upon him as naught but an inve- 
terate Catholic priest with strong Eomish leanings ! 



314 MI-/I ir],n Imrr made 



Nay, there arc some who go so far as to doubt 
the sincerity of this man, and believe him to be 
simply a crafty tool of Home. Others, less preju- 
diced, are ready to concede his honest adhesion to 
the present movement, into which he has been forced, 
however, they maintain, simply by the monstrous 
excess of Eomish pretensions. 

One of these semi-pro-Dollingerians will have it 
that the Eector Magnificus of the Munich University 
should be regarded as a man cheerfully willing to 
believe and to teach that two and two may fairly 
be held to make five, but sternly refusing to have 
the five turned into six. 

Now, all these liberal Catholics will be satisfied 
with nothing less than an openly-avowed secession 
from Eome, and the initiation of an independent 
German Catholic Church. 

They insist upon the absolute abolition of the 
celibate of priests, which they contend is clearly an 
offence against the laws of God and of nature. 

They insist equally upon the total abolition and 
prohibition of all conventual orders and communities, 
whatever deceiving name they may bear, and under 
whatever specious pretext they may hide the real 
purport and object of their institution. 

They will have no more auricular confession, no 
more pretended remission of sins by a set of men at 
least equally sinful with the penitents wdio confess 
to them. 



New German Empire. 315 

They demand that civil marriage shall be made 
obligatory, not simply optional. 

They will have no hierarchy in the Church of 
God, which they maintain is the most hideous ex- 
crescence of the second and third centuries after 
Christ. The priest shall be dependent on his con- 
science alone, and shall teach the Word of God such 
as he himself sincerely believes it, free from all 
dogmatic trash and popish perversion. Every mem- 
ber of the flock shall freely exercise the right of 
independent thought and inquiry, to enlighten and 
thereby purify and strengthen his faith. 

The monstrous priestly tyranny of the arbitrary 
refusal, on any pretence whatever, of the sacraments 
of the Church to any member of the congregation 
shall absolutely cease. To the whole congregation 
alone, in its collective capacity, it shall appertain to 
judge whether a member has fallen away from it 
beyond the possibility of re-entering within the pale. 

These and a few other demands of the same stamp 
and in the same direction constitute the leading part 
of the programme of the most advanced section of 
the secessionists from Eome. Upon the granting of 
these demands, which they declare to be the mini- 
mum that will satisfy them, they insist. 

They say they will not allow themselves to be 
cajoled by the craft of a set of priestly professors of 
the Dollinger stamp into the acceptance of a few 
futile concessions ; they will have a true radical 



it (''//" 1m re i,Ki Je 



reform of the mtten system, which lias too long 
permitted to stand in the way of all progress and 
improvement of the human race. \Vliat use is the 
expulsion of the Jesuits to us, they say, which our 
Dolliiigers, our Schultes, our Michelis would throw 
to us as a sop ? The Jesuits are only the carbuncle 
that shows the foulness of the body on which it 
grows. It is no use to cut the carbuncle off : the 
body must be cleansed of its foulness. The Church 
of Christ must be purged altogether of Eome, and 
of all that appertain eth thereunto. 

It must certainly be confessed, that between the 
two- -the Ultramontanists and the Free Catholics 
Dollinger and the other leaders of the more moderate 
sections of the anti-infallibilists are by no means in 
an enviable position. 

The programme of the more advanced of the two 
moderate sections of the secessionists is scarcely a 
shade less radical. 

The constitution of the new " Old Catholic" 
Church contemplated by this section goes back to 
the second century after Christ, and somewhat re- 
sembles Presbyterianism in its leading features. 
The presbyter, or priest, is to be elected freely by the 
community. He is to receive a fixed salary, amply 
sufficient for the proper maintenance of himself and 
his family and the education of- his children ; for 
this section of reformers also has inscribed on its 
banner the abolition of Grecjorv VII/s monstrous law 

o / 



New German Empire. 317 

of the clerical celibate among the chief and most 
indispensable conditions and demands of its pro- 
gramme. 

Professor Huber of Munich has recently called 
attention to the curious circumstances attendant upon 
the promulgation of the Gregorian clerical celibacy 
law in 1074. It is a well-established historical fact, 
that the humbler clergy more especially received 
with angry indignation the tyrannical and infamous 
papal command to put away their wedded wives, 
and that the wretched law would never have been 
carried into execution had it not been for the 
gross ignorance and correspondingly blind bigotry 
of the miserable mob in those dark times, and in 
a measure also, to do due homage to the truth of 
the matter, to the dissolute habits to which the 
clergy were even then addicted. 

Pope Gregory, with his habitual consummate craft, 
made the people believe that his decree was directed 
against these notorious dissolute habits. 

" Si qui sunt presbyteri, diaconi, vel subdiaconi 
qui in crimine fornicationis jaceant, interdicimus eis 
ex parte Dei Omnipotentis et Sancti Petri aucto- 
ritate eeclesice introitum, usque dum poeniteant et 
emendent" says the text of the law. But the true 
purport and scope was speedily made apparent 
through the sweeping interpretation put upon it 
by the authorized legates and messengers of 
Gregory, who everywhere sternly and inexorably 



.'H8 Men //7/o li< i re made ti 



' 



insisted upon all piv-'hytcrs, deacons and sub-deacons, 
putting away their wedded wh- 

in Siegebert of Gemblours' Chronicles ad annum 
1074, the real purport of the Gregorian decree is 
plainly stated :---" Greyorius Papa celebrata Synod" 
Simoniacos anathematizavit, uxoratos sacerdotcs d 
divino officio removit" 

It seems certainly a curious way of breaking 
the black sheep of the clerical flock of their 
vicious and dissolute habits by absolutely for- 
bidding all priests to marry, in contempt of the 
plainest laws of God and nature. But Gregory of 
course used this ostensible motive simply as the 
specious pretext for his iniquitous enactment. What 
he wanted, was to sever the clergy from all the tender 
ties of family, and from all connection with true 
citizenship. The Pope and Eome were henceforth 
to be the sole family and country of the Catholic 
priesthood. 

Professor Huber, indeed, does not explicitly join 
in the demand of the more advanced sections of the 
secessionists, that the Gregorian Decree of 1074 should 
be absolutely repealed and annulled ; he, like his 
Dollingerian fellow-professors, takes his stand upon 
the so-called Trentine Symbolum, rather a narrow 
platform of reform, it must be confessed. Yet he 
clearly feels much inclined to travel considerably 
beyond the limits fixed by Dollinger ; and the 
world need not be surprised in the least to see 



New German Empire. 319 

Huber and many others of the school of restricted 
reform go over with arms and baggage to the camp 
of the more radical sections. As regards the clerical 
celibacy question more particularly, Huber, at least, 
may be said to stand already more than half-way 
over the Dollingerian boundary line. 

Another demand of the programme is the disso- 
lution of all chapters. Here, again, the reformers 
go back to the institutions of the Christian Church 
such as they were in the second century after Christ, 
when the Church knew only presbyters and bishops ; 
before the latter, who were originally intended simply 
to act as superintendents over the former, had yet 
succeeded in usurping a self-arrogated authority and 
grafting an unwholesome, hybrid, semi-monarchical, 
semi-aristocratic constitution upon the healthy tree 
of the Democratic Christian Church as founded by 
Christ. 

The celebration of mass and of all other acts 
of public worship in the vernacular of the country, 
forms another leading item in the programme of 
this section of reformers. 

It is also demanded by them, that all ministerial 
functions be performed without additional fee or 
reward in future, the priest's pay by the community 
being held to cover the whole remuneration for his 
labour. 

" Equality of the grave ' forms another leading 
demand. Death levels all ranks and all social dis- 



made tin- 



tint-lions, these reformers argiu-. Let us jibolish, 
then, all paltry funeral p<.np. Let im-n's __<. )od deeds 
and the true grief of sincere mourners follow them 
t< the grave. Cue priest should suffice, to deliver 
the funeral oration over the in-ave of the hi^hc 

o o 

and wealthiest and the poorest and lowliest 
parishioner alike. 

Xo more auricular confession, no pilgrimages, no 
processions, no adoration of saints, relics, or images. 
These, and a few minor demands, fill up the sum of 
the programme of the more moderate reform section. 

"We now come to the demands of the Dollingerians 
proper that is to say, of Dollinger himself, Heinkens, 
Schulte, Langen, Huber, Friedrich, Maassen, Zirngiebl, 
Froschammer, and other Old Catholic professors. 

The chief points of the programme of this, the 
most conservative section of the Old Catholic seces- 
sionists, may be given in a free version of their 
own words as follows :- 

"1. In the full consciousness of our religious 
duties, as members of the true Church of Christ, 
we hold fast by the Old Catholic faith, based upon 
the unassailable Divine authority of Holy Writ, 
and borne witness to by the irrefragable testimony 
of sacred tradition. 

" We hold ourselves, therefore, true members of 
the Catholic Church, and we are determined to 
strenuously resist all attempts to drive us out of the 
community of that Church, and to despoil us of 



New German Empire. 321 

any of the ecclesiastic and civic rights vested in 
us by virtue of our membership in that community. 

We declare the ecclesiastic censures, suspensions, 
and excommunications launched against us by Eome, 
and by bishops acting under the inspiration of the 
Roman See, to be utterly arbitrary and groundless, 
and therefore of no avail or force. 

" We are not troubled in our conscience thereby, 
nor feel ourselves in any way hindered from active 
participation in the community of the Catholic 
Church. 

" Taking our stand with full confidence in our 
right, upon the confession of faith as contained in 
the so-called Trentine Symbolum, we reject and 
repudiate the dogmas enacted under the pontificate 
of Pius IX., in opposition to the true doctrine and 
tenets of the Catholic Church, and to the sound 
principles that have guided that Church since the 
days of the Council of the Apostles. We reject, 
more especially and explicitly, the dogma of the 
infallible ministry, and the supreme, ordinary, and 
immediate jurisdiction of the Pope. 

" 2. We hold fast by the ancient constitution of 
the Church. 

" We declare our deliberate and resolute opposition 
to all and every attempt to oust the bishops of the 
Catholic Church from the immediate and indepen- 
dent guidance of the Church in their own dioceses. 

" We firmly reject and repudiate the false doctrine 

VOL. I. Y 



:}-22 M<-n /'//" Ltirr made 



laid down in flu- Vatican decrees, to tin- effect lli;ii 
the Pope is the sole and only divinely appointed 
representative and head of all ceclcsiastical pmver 
and authority- -a doctrine running counter to the 
Trentine canon, which pronounces the existence of 
a divinely appointed hierarchy of bishops, priests, 
and deacons. 

" We acknowledge the primacy of the Komisli 
bishop in the duly restricted sense in which it was 
acknowledged, upon the authority of the sacred 
Scriptures, by the fathers and councils in the days 
of the old undivided Catholic Church of Christ 
That is to say, we declare that points of faith cannot 
be defined and settled solely and simply by the de- 
cision of the Pope for the time being, not even with 
the explicit sanction or tacit assent of the bishops, 
who are bound by their oath to yield obedience to 
the supreme pontiff. To be of force and avail, such 
decision must absolutely be in full conformity with 
Holy Writ and with the ancient traditions of the 
Church, as handed down to us through the channel 
of the recognized fathers of the Church and the 
(Ecumenical Councils. 

" We maintain even beyond this, that the council of 
the Church, even with the fullest attributes of (Ecu- 
menicity, which were so lamentably wanting to the 
late Vatican Council, cannot, even with the unani- 
mous assent and sanction of all its members, claim 
the power of upsetting the foundations of the Church 



New German Empire. 323 

and the traditions of the past. It cannot issue decrees 
binding upon the members of the Church. To invest 
decisions and decrees of councils in matters of faith 
or points of theological doctrine with force and 
effect, binding upon the conscience of Catholics, it 
is an indispensable and precedent condition that 
such decisions and decrees should be clearly 
proved to be in strict conformity with the original 
belief of the Church and the traditions handed 
down to us. 

" In all matters relating to the laying down and 
passing of rules and precepts of faith and belief, we 
claim not only for the Catholic clergy and those 
learned in divinity, but for the Catholic lay world as 
well, and as fully, the unrestricted right of giving 
their assent to such precepts and rules, or of protesting 
against them and refusing to be in any way bound 
by them. 

" 3. We aspire to effect, with the co-operation of 
theological and canonic science, a reform in the 
Church of Eome which shall, in the true spirit of 
the Old Catholic Church, remove the present abuses 
and defects, and accomplish more particularly the 
legitimate wishes of the Catholic laity to have their 
due share in the management of the affairs of the 
Church, at present most wrongfully usurped by the 
clergy. 

" We declare that there is no ground whatever for 
imputing the taint of heresy to the Church of Utrecht, 

Y 2 



n'lt<i /mcc made tin' 



and that no actual dogmatic antagonism can bo said 

o o 

to exist between that Church and ourselves. 

" We fervently hope in a reunion with the Greek- 
Oriental and Russian Church, whose separation from 
the great Catholic Church was not compelled by 
constraining causes, and is based upon no essential 
dogmatic difference. 

" With the accomplishment of the reforms we are 
striving to bring about in our own Church, and by 

o o / 

continuing resolutely our forward movement on the 
path of knowledge and science, and of progressive 
Christian culture and moral improvement, we hope 
to attain at last, however gradually and slowly, to an 
ultimate understanding and full agreement with all 
other Christian confessions, more especially with the 
Protestant Churches of Germany and the Episcopal 
Anglican Church of England and America. 

" 4. We hold the due study and cultivation of 
science an indispensable element in the education of 
the Catholic clergy. We consider the artificial ex- 
clusion of the clergy from the intellectual culture of 
the age, such as we see unhappily practised in boy 
seminaries as well as in the higher clerical schools 
under the one-sided guidance of bishops, to be most 
dangerous and pernicious, considering the high peda- 
gogic importance which these institutions possess for 
the proper education of the people. 

" We desire and court the co-operation of the 
secular authorities in the education and training of 

o 



New German Empire. 325 

a morally-pious, scientifically-enlightened, and patrio- 
tically-minded clergy. 

We demand for our parish priests and the so- 
called lower clergy an independent, honourable posi- 
tion, protected against any and every attempt at 
arrogant hierarchical dictation and tyranny. We 
protest most energetically against the wretched cus- 
tom of arbitrary removal and translocation of pastors 
of communes the so-called amovibilitas ad nutum 
one of the most pernicious importations from France, 
which has of late been much practised by German 
bishops. 

"5. We stand firmly by the constitution of our 
country, which secures to us civic freedom and 
humanitarian culture, and we reject and repudiate 
for this reason, as loyal citizens, the new-fangled 
dogma of papal supremacy, which threatens the 
very existence of the state. We vow to stand firm 
and true to our government in the struggle against 
the Ultramontane pretensions dogmatized in the 
Syllabus of Pius IX. 

" 6. Whereas it is notorious that the present disas- 
trous distraction in the Catholic Church has been 
caused mainly by the so-called Society of Jesus a 
religious order which has grossly and perversely 
misused the undoubted power to spread and foster 
among hierarchy, clergy, and people tendencies ini- 
mical to civilization and progress, anti-actional and 
dangerous to the state ; and whereas their said society 



32(> Men wJto have ///r/</c lite 

professes and teaches a false and corrupting 

we declare it to be our sincere conviction, that peace 
and prosperity in Church and State, harmonious action 
in the Church, and the due cultivation of proper 
relations between the latter and civil society, will be 
possible only when an end shall have been put to 
the pernicious action and influence of this order. 

"7. As members of the Catholic Church 'such as 
it existed in its purity, before the attempted innova- 
tions of Pope Pius IX., culminating in the late 
Vatican decrees, had essentially altered and sadly 
marred its original character of that Catholic Church 
accordingly, upon which alone the state has bestowed 
political recognition, and to which alone public pro- 
tection has been guaranteed we maintain and re- 
serve to ourselves all and every and any rights, 
claims, and titles to our legitimate share in all real 
property and possession of the said Catholic Church/' 

It must, indeed, be confessed that the programme 
of the Dollingerian section of the German secessionists 
from. Home moves on a very narrow platform. In 
truth, it would have been difficult to hit upon a less 
satisfactory basis whereon to rest the confession of 
faith of the Old Catholic Church than that contained 
in the Trentine Symbol. 

Of the several synods held in the course of the last 
eight centuries or so, for the avowed purpose of re- 
forming the more glaring defects in the institutions of 
the Church of Kome, the two most important and, 



New German Empire. 327 

in their earlier stages at least, most promising were 
the Council of Constance and the Council of Trent. 

The Council of Constance, which sat from October, 
1414, to May, 1418, was, properly speaking, a revival 
or continuation of the Council of Pisa. This latter 
had been held in 1409, to effect a radical reform of 
the Church of Some, and to settle the dispute between 
the two anti-popes, Gregory XII. and Benedict XIII. 

The fathers of this council had unhappily allowed 
themselves to be duped by the Ultramontanist party 
into beginning their work at the wrong end. They 
had deposed both anti-popes, and elected in their 
stead Alexander Y. as sole head of the Church. 
Immediately upon his election the new pope ad- 
journed the discussion of the reform question for three 
years, and dissolved the council. 

The fathers of the Council of Constance, which was 
professedly called to take up again the reform ques- 
tion dropped at Pisa, declared their firm determination 
to act with more wisdom, and to enforce a partial 
and moderate reform, at least, of the Church of Koine. 
Yet they allowed themselves to be duped once more 
by the cunning of the Eomish party. 

The new pope, Martin V., whom the council elected 
in the place of Pope Johannes XXIII. , and the two 
anti-popes, Gregory XII. and Benedict XIII. , proved 
just as crafty as Alexander V. All that the fathers of 
the council succeeded in accomplishing was the base 
butchery of poor John Huss and his friend and fellow- 



M~cn who hfnr made the 



reformer, Hieronymus Faulfisch better known in 
the history of the great Reformation as Hieronynm.- 
of Prague ; but the Church of Rome was left pretty 
much in the same rotten state as before. 

The Council of Trent was called some hundred and 
thirty years after, in 1545. 

The Emperor Charles V. had for a long time tried 
hard to have a general council of the Church sum- 
moned by the Pope, but all his efforts and qndeavours 
had proved unavailing against the obstinate opposition 
of Clement VII. 

However, after the death of the latter (25th of 
Sept., 1534), the Conclave had elected a member of 
the house of Farnese, one of the astutest politicians 
of the age. 

The new pope, Paul III., instead of opposing, like 
his predecessor, the convocation of a general synod, 
professed his eagerness to submit to the examination 
and decision of an (Ecumenical Council the dispute 
between the Court of Rome and the Lutherans in 
Germany. 

He admitted also that the Church stood, indeed, 
in the greatest need of reform, and solemnly promised 
to do everything in his power to contribute to a 
satisfactory settlement of this and of all other matters 
that were " unsettling men's minds, and disturbing 
the peace and concord of the Church of Christ." 

The astute Pope used his utmost endeavours 
to cajole the German Protestants into an active 



New German Empire. 329 

participation in the council which he proposed to 
convoke. 

He sent a special legate, the accomplished and 
eloquent Paul Vergerius, to Germany to persuade 
the Protestants of Kome's sincerity in the church 
reform question. 

The legate sought and obtained an interview with 
Dr. Martin Luther, whom he treated with singular 

7 o 

deference. The arts of Vergerius failed, however, in 
overcoming the reluctance of the Protestants to send 
delegates to the council. 

Pope Paul had signified his intention to have the 
council held at Mantua ; the German Protestants, on 
the other hand, insisted upon the selection of a city in 
Germany for this purpose, and demanded guarantees 
also for the absolute independence of the council. 

Luther himself remembered too well how well- 
nigh Miltitz had succeeded once in cajoling him 
"clean out of his reformatory intentions and designs, 
and he was on his guard, therefore, against the sweet 
suasion of Vergerius. Still, when the synod was 
actually convoked by the Pope to meet in Mantua, 
the great reformer expressed his opinion that it would 
be better for the Protestants to attend the council 
than keep away from it. 

He freely expressed his belief also that the Pope 
was not sincere in the matter, and that he only wished 
to put the Protestants in the wrong, by showing the 
world that it was not he who objected to submit all 



:;:;0 Men '/> /<"<<' made //>< 



displllfd puilliS In a <_'V!HT;il sylind, l)Ut tllllt tlir 

Protestants ivru.-rd to join in the projected work 
of conciliation. It would be hotter, therefore, to 
go to Mantua, said LutliiT, in his advice to the Elector 
Johann Friedrich of Saxony. 

The council, adds the plain-spoken man, would, 
after all, in the position of affairs then, turn out io 
be a " contemptible, lousy ' council. Moreover, it 
should be borne in mind also, that a hostile decision 
of the council could not do the Protestant cause any 
great harm, as it was a well-established fact that 
general synods were not by any means held to be 
infallible ; so far from it indeed, that the resolu- 
tions and decrees of one synod had often been set 
aside by another synod. 

However, the elector and the other Protestant 
princes of the empire, and the delegates from the 
Lutheran free cities and towns, declined the Pope's 
invitation, to Paul IIL's intense satisfaction. 

Meanwhile, a very strong and earnest desire for 
a thorough reform of the Church of Home had arisen 
among the very princes of that Church, which gave 
the Pope considerable uneasiness. At the head of 
these threatening reformatory movements stood 
Cardinals San Marcello, Caraffa, and Contarini. 

The last-named of the three, more especially, was 
truly a sincere reformer. He was a man of great 
erudition, intense earnestness, and unblemished char- 
acter. To get rid of him, Pope Paul sent him to 



Neiv German Empire. 331 

Ratisbon, in 1541, as legate to preside over the 
negotiations opened in that city between the Church 
of Rome and the Lutherans, in obedience to the 
desire of the Emperor Charles V., who was truly 
anxious to restore the unity of the Catholic Church, 
and fully convinced that Rome ought to make con- 
siderable concessions and introduce sweeping reforms 
to accomplish this great end. 

These negotiations were conducted by Johannes 
Eck, Julius Pflug, and Johannes Gropper, for Rome ; 
Melanchthon, Martin Bucer, and Johannes Pistor for 
the German Protestants. Julius Pflug and Johannes 
Gropper were much inclined to conciliation, and the 
legate himself, who presided over the discussions, was 
bent upon making the largest concessions to the 
Lutherans. So it came to pass, to the joyful surprise 
of the latter, that the leading articles of the Lutheran 
faith were fully adopted by the Catholic doctors and 
the papal legate. 

The joy was of short duration, however. The Pope 
repudiated the doings of honest Contarini, and the 
entire attempt at conciliation fell through every 
concession that had been made at Ratisbon being 
ultimately formally withdrawn by the Court of 
Rome. 

After the peace of Crespy, concluded between 
Francis I. and the Emperor Charles V., the 18th of 
September, 1544, the emperor induced the Pope once 
more to convoke a general synod for 1545. 



:}:\-2 Men ir/t<> have made 



This was the famous Council of Tivni, which, iv- 
I'cntcdlv suspended and adjourned, and once (in 1547) 
actually translated to P>lo;_nia, lasted altogether soni'- 
eighteen. years. It was ostensibly called, of course, to 
effect atlast a satisfactory settlement of the differences 
in the Church. 

But Paul III. soon showed the true nature of his 
aim and intentions. He openly avowed that the 
council was called to condemn solemnly the " Pro- 

testant heresy,' and he concluded an alliance offen- 

t. ' 

sive and defensive with the Emperor Charles, whom 
he promised to aid in his intended war upon the 
Protestants in Germany, not only with subsidies in 
money, but also with an auxiliary corps of 12,000 
foot and 500 horse. On the 15th of July, 1546, he 
issued a bull, in w^hich he ordered prayers and general 
confessions and fasting, to propitiate the Almighty in 
favour of the war undertaken by pope and emperor 
for the destruction of the heretics, and the restoration 
of the peace of the Church. 

When, after repeated adjournments, a new synod 
was finally convoked for 1562, to meet in the city 
of Trent, there seemed for a time to be some slight 
chance of an ultimate agreement between Koine and 

o 

the Protestants, and of a satisfactory reform of the 
Catholic Church. 

Among the leading proposals of the Emperor 
Ferdinand L, figured the celebration of all religious 
services in the vernacular of the country, the ad- 



New German Empire. 333 

mission of the laity to the chalice in the Holy 
Communion, and the abolition of the celibate of the 
priesthood. 

The Pope and his followers rejected, of course, all 
these demands, and the great Council of Trent came 
at last to its final termination, leaving the Church 
pretty much in the same state and condition in 
which it had found it at its first sitting in 1545. 

With the exception of passing a few high-sounding 
but unmeaning resolutions and decrees, the great 
council had positively nothing whatever to show in 
the way of a tangible result of its labours. 

It cannot, then, but be considered a most unlucky 
thing for the true interests of the great German 
secessionist movement from Eome, that Dollinger and 
his more immediate followers should have elected 
to take their stand upon the narrow basis of the 
Trentine Symbolum and the canon which pronounces 
the existence of a divinely appointed hierarchy of 
bishops, priests, and deacons, instead of going in 
boldly at once for the still sufficiently moderate 
demands of the less radical of the two other sections 
of secessionists. 

But whilst fully admitting that the confined view 
thus taken by Dollinger and his fellow-professors of 
the church reform required cannot but be held matter 
of sincere regret, the justice of the strictures passed 
in this country upon the Old Catholic movement in 
Germany cannot be admitted. 



3:>4 Mfit /''ho hare nwdc the 



An opinion lias been i-xpivssi'd here, that never 
before in the world's history has there been a reform 

/ 

mnvi'iin-nt so hesitatingly, lukewarmly, and half- 
lu-artedly supported by friends and sympathizers as 
the Old Catholic movement in Germany. Strange to 
>ay, this remark would seem to apply with special 
force to the reception which the movement has had 
to meet at the hands of English churchmen. With 
the exception of a very few instances of Anglican 
bishops and deans having shown warm and hearty 
sympathy for the movement and the man at the head 
of it, no very cordial welcome has been given in this 
country to the reformatory efforts and aspirations of 
the German Old Catholics. 

In fact, the movement clearly has not been properly 
understood and correctly appreciated in this country. 
The strangest notions would seem to be entertained 
about it, even by leading Protestants. Dr. Little- 
dale, who has published a most valuable article 
upon the subject in the Contemporary Review, is 
about the only man of authority who shows an in- 
timate knowledge of the question, and treats it with 
becoming justness and true appreciation of its real 
scope and import. 

With the known Ultramontanist influences at work 
in many of our leading organs of the press, it is not 
to be wondered at that but scant justice should be 
extended to the German secessionists from Rome in 
the columns of the organs in question. 



New German Empire. 335 

Still it cannot but seem strange that so much 
cold water should have been thrown, and such severe 
strictures passed upon the movement, as we have seen 
in the columns of certain English journals. 

"The Old Catholics/' says one of these high 
authorities, " are a small, weak sect, having no state 
or empire particularly their ally." (This latter state- 
ment lies certainly open to the objection of being 
slightly contrary to fact.) " Distinctive tenets, more- 
over, have they none. They reject papal infallibility, 
but in every other respect they are as papal, as Eoman, 
as the Pope and Eome themselves ! ' 

It seems hardly credible that a statement so utterly 
opposed to the true facts of the case should have been 
permitted to appear in a professed Protestant journal. 

Let any man of fair understanding and impartial 
mind carefully peruse the programme of even the 
"excessively moderate ' Dollingerian section of the 
German secessionists, and then let him judge for 
himself whether even Dollinger and his followers can 
possibly, by any stretch of the imagination, be held 
to be " as papal, as Eoman, as the Pope and Eome 
themselves." 

It may be permitted to call special attention to the 
second section of the Dollingerian programme, which 
claims, in unmistakably clear and precise terms, for 
all Catholics, both the clergy and the laity, the freest 
exercise of the right of independent judgment in all 
matters of faith and belief. " Neither the Pope by 



The Xeiv German 



himself, nor even with the fullest and most unanimous 
concurrence and sanction of an (Ecumenical Council 
of the Church, can issue decrees binding upon the 
members of that Church. In all matters relating to 
the laying down and passing of rules and precepts of 
faith and belief, we claim, not only for the Catholic 
clergy and those learned in divinity, but for the 
Catholic lay world as well, and as fully, the unre- 
stricted right of giving their assent to such precepts 
and rules, or of protesting against them, and refusing 
to be in any way bound by them/' 

Let this doctrine once be admitted in the Church 
of Koine, and the most deadly blow will have been 
dealt to that Church. It is the thin end of the wedge 
which, properly driven home, must shiver to pieces 
the encroachments and pretensions of the Pope and 
of Kome. 



END OF VOL. I. 








LONI>OK : R. CLAY, SONS, AND TAYLOR, PRINTERS. 



THE NEW YORK PUBLIC LIBRARY 
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